Kachchāyana's Grammar: Lib. VI, On Verbs

James D’Alwis, An Introduction to Kachchāyana’s Grammar of the Pāli Language; with an Introduction, Appendix, Notes, &c., Colombo: Williams and Norgate, 1863. Public domain by age. Reproduced from a scan of the University of California copy, available here as a PDF (15 MB), as a reading edition: the text was recognised from the page images and then proofread against them page by page. The print’s spelling and its accents are kept as printed (long vowels carry a grave accent, Pàli, Kachchàyana, and in places a circumflex; the niggahīta is written n), and so are the author’s capitals and small capitals; quotation marks are normalised to straight quotes, and the italics of Pāli words in the print are not reproduced, except in the Corrections, where an italic letter marks a lingual or a long vowel and is kept. Footnotes are numbered through the book; the print’s symbols (* † ‡ § ‖ ¶) are replaced by these numbers. Sinhalese characters are shown as [Sinhalese]. The printed page numbers are kept as hidden comments of the form . A word that could not be read is followed by [?].

This page is one part of D’Alwis’s book, reproduced as printed. The front matter and the contents are on the main page.

LIB. VI.—ON VERBS.¹

Learned sages, by the ship of comprehensive wisdom, cross the ocean of verbs (filled with) the water of radicals; (abounding with) the fishes of Vikarana,² Augment, and Tenses; (having) the current of Elision, and Anubandhas;³ (foaming with) the billows of Ajjatanì;⁴ (and bounded by) the shore of Investigation.⁵

Hear ye my comprehensive words on Verbs, which, diffused with beautiful adornments, I, after saluting the perfect Buddha of infinite knowledge, do declare so that they may be easily mastered.

CAP: I.

1. Now,⁶ of the terminations the first six are Parassapada.

a. Now of all the terminations, every first six terminations are named Parassapada.⁷

Ex. ti, anti; si, tha; mi, ma.

Q. Wherefore the term Parassapada? ‘The Parassapada [mark]⁸ the Agent.’⁹

2. The last are Attanopada.

a. Of all the terminations every last six terminations are named Attanopada;¹⁰ that is to say:—

Ex. te, ante; se, vhe; e, mhe.

Q. Wherefore the term Attanopada? 1 ‘The Attanopada (mark) the action and the object.’¹¹

3. Each two, the Pathama,¹² Majjhima, and Uttama.¹³

a. Of all the above terminations, both in the Parassapada and Attanopada, each (set of) two is named the third, second, and first person (respectively.) That is to say;

Ex. ti, anti—Third persons.

si, tha—Second persons.

mi, ma—First persons.

In the Attanopada likewise, [thus:]

te, ante—Third persons.

se, vhe—Second persons.

e, mhe—First persons.

So likewise every where.

Q. Wherefore the terms ‘third, second, and first persons’?

(To shew that the affixes of) the third person should be used, when a nàma,¹⁴ [whether] expressed (or not), agrees with the verb; (the affixes of) the second persons, when tumha; and (those of) the first, when amha.¹⁵

4. In speaking of all by one, the first person.

a. In speaking of all the three persons, viz., the first, second, and third by one (verb) the highest (or first) person should be adopted.¹⁶

Ex. Socha pathati

‘He reads—and’

techa pathanti

‘They read—and’

tvancha pathasi

‘Thou readest—and’

tumhecha pathatha

‘Ye read—and’

ahancha pathàmi

‘also I read.’

= Mayan pathàma, ‘We read.’

So pachati

te pachanti

tvan pachasi

tumhe pachatha

ahan pachàmi.

= Mayan pachàma, ‘We cook.’

In like manner the highest person should be used in the other tenses.

5. The third person when a nàma, which agrees [with the verb,] is expressed, &.¹⁷

a. (A termination proper to) third person is used when the noun (nominative), which exercises government,¹⁸ is either expressed or not.

Ex. So gachchhati, ‘He goes.’

Te gachchhanti, ‘They go.’

[When expressed.]

Gachchhati, ‘(he) goes.’

Gachchhanti, ‘(they) go.’

When not expressed.

Q. Wherefore ‘the Nominative’?

[To distinguish it from the agent or the Instrumental in a sentence like] Tena haññase tvan Devadattena. ‘By that Devadatta thou art killed.’

6. The second when tumha.

a. (A termination proper to) the second person, is used when the nominative tumha is either expressed or not.

Ex. Tvan yàsi, ‘Thou goest.’

Tumhe yàtha, ‘Ye go.’

[When expressed.]

Yàsi, ‘(thou) goest.’

Yàtha, ‘(ye) go.’

When not expressed.

Q. Wherefore ‘the Nominative’?

(To mark the difference between it and the Instrumental as) Tayà pachchate odano. ‘By thee is rice cooked.’

7. The first, when amha.

a. (A termination proper to) the first person is used when the nominative amha is either expressed or not.

Ex. Ahan yajàmi, ‘I worship.’

Mayan yajàma, ‘We worship.’

[When expressed.]

Yajàmi, ‘(I) worship.’

Yajàma, ‘(we) worship.’

When not expressed.

Q. Wherefore ‘the Nominative’?

[To mark the difference between it and the Instrumental, as in a sentence like] Mayà ijjate Buddho, ‘By me Buddha is worshipped.’

8. As to time.

a. Know that this ‘time’ exercises an authority (adhikàra.)¹⁹

9. Vattamànà (are) the present.

a. The Vattamànà affixes are in the present Tense.

Ex. Pátaliputtan gachchhati, ‘He goes to Pátaliputta.’

Sàvatthin pavisati, ‘He enters Sàvatthi.’

Viharati Jetavane, ‘He dwells in Jetavana.’

10. In commanding and blessing, in undefined²⁰ time, the Panchamì.²¹

a. In the sense of both commanding and blessing²² without any distinction of time, the terminations are Panchamì.

Ex. Karotu kusalan, ‘Let him do meritorious acts.’

Sukhan te hotu, ‘Be happiness to thee.’

11. The Sattamì, in the sense of assent and inclination.²³

a. In the sense of assent and inclination the terminations are Sattamì, where the time is undefined.²⁴

Ex. Tvan gachchheyyàsi, ‘Thou mayest go.’

Kimahan kareyyámi, ‘What may I do.’

12. In the unperceived past, Parokkhà.

a. The terminations (which signify) time past,²⁵ unperceived (by the narrator) are Parokkhá.

Ex. Supine kila²⁶ eva máha, ‘[He,] it is reported, said so in a dream.’

Evan kila porànà àhu, ‘Thus, it is reported, the ancients said.’

13. In the perceived from yesterday, Hìyattanì.

a. In [the sense of] time past from yesterday, whether (the same be) perceived or unperceived, the terminations are Hìyattanì.

Ex. So maggan agamá, ‘He went to the road.’

Te agamù maggan, ‘They went to the road.’

14. In approximate, Ajjatanì.

a. In [the sense of] time approximately (or recently) past from this day, whether (the same be) perceived or unperceived, the terminations are Ajjatanì.²⁷

Ex. So maggan agamì, ‘He has gone to the road.’

Te maggan agamun, ‘They have gone to the road.’

15. When mà combined, all times, &.

a. Hìyattanì and Ajjatanì terminations, when combined with mà, are in all the tenses.

Ex. Màgamà or Màgamì, ‘Let him not go.’

Màvachà or Màvachì, ‘Let him not say.’

Note.—By the combination of an ‘and’ [to the Sutta] the Panchamì terminations [are also understood.]

Ex. Mà gachchhàhi, ‘Go thou not.’

16. In the future, Bhavissantì.

a. In the future tense the terminations are Bhavissantì.

Ex. So gachchhissati, ‘He will go.’

Sá karissati, ‘She will do.’

Te gachchhissanti, ‘They will go.’

Te karissanti, ‘They will do.’

17. Kàlàtipatti in an action past going beyond.

a. Kálátipatti²⁸ only in an action past going beyond.

Ex. So che tan yànan alabhissà agachchhissà, ‘If he had that vehicle, he would have gone.’

Te che tan yànan alabhissansu agachchhissansu, ’If they had that vehicle they would have gone.

18. The Vattamànà ti, anti; si, tha; mi, ma;—te, ante; se, vhe; e, mhe.

a. This appellation Vattamànà is for these twelve terminations;—ti, anti; si, tha; mi, ma;—te, ante; se, vhe; e, mhe.

Q. What does Vattamànà imply? ‘Vattamànà [express] the present time.’

19. The Panchamì tu, antu; hi, tha: mi, ma;—tan, antan; ssu, vho; e, àmase.

a. This appellation Panchamì is for these twelve terminations—tu, antu; hi, tha; mi, ma;—tan, antan; ssu, vho; e, àmase.

Q. What does Panchamì signify? ‘Panchamì [expresses] command and blessing in undefined time.’²⁹

20. The Sattamì eyya, eyyun; eyyàsi, eyyàtha; eyyàmi, eyyàma;—etha, eran; etho, eyyavho,; eyyan, eyyàmhe.

a. The appellation Sattamì is for these twelve terminations;—eyya, eyyun; eyyàsi, eyyàtha; eyyàmi, eyyàma;—etha, eran; etho, eyyavho; eyyan, eyyàmhe.

Q. What does Sattamì signify? ‘The Sattamì conveys the sense of assent and inclination.’

21. The Parokkhà; a, u; e, ttha; a, mha;—ttha, re; ttho, vho; i, mhe.

a. The appellation Parokkhà is for these twelve terminations;—a, u; e, ttha; a, mha;—ttha, re; ttho, vho; i, mhe.

Q. What does Parokkhà signify? ‘Parokkhà (implies) the unperceived past.’

22. The Hìyattanì; à, ù; o, ttha; a, mhà;—ttha, tthun; se, vhan; in, mhase.

a. The appellation Hìyattanì is for these twelve terminations—à, ù; o, ttha; a, mhà;—ttha, tthun; se, vhan; in, mhase.

Q. What does Hìyattanì signify? ‘Hìyattanì (expresses) the perceived [past] from yesterday.’

23. The Ajjatanì; ì, un; o, ttha; in, mhà;—à, ù; se, vhan; a, mhe.

a. The appellation Ajjatanì is for these twelve terminations;—ì, un; o, ttha; in, mhà; à, ù; se, vhan; a, mhe.

Q. What does Ajjatanì imply? ‘Ajjatanì (expresses) approximate³⁰ [time.]’

24. The Bhavissanti; ssati, ssanti; ssasi, ssatha; ssàmi, ssàma;—ssate, ssante; ssase, ssavhe; ssan, ssàmhe.

a. The appellation Bhavissanti is for these twelve terminations; ssati, ssanti; ssasi, ssatha; ssàmi, ssàma;—ssate, ssante; ssase, ssavhe; ssan, ssàmhe.

Q. What does Bhavissanti signify? ‘Bhavissanti (expresses) the future.’

25. The Kàlàtipatti; ssà, ssansu; sse, ssatha; ssan, ssamhà; ssatha, ssinsu; ssase, ssavhe; ssan, ssàmhase.

a. The appellation Kàlàtipatti is for these twelve terminations; ssà, ssansu; sse, ssatha; ssan, ssamhà; ssatha, ssinsu; ssase, ssavhe; ssan, ssàmhase.

Q. What does Kàlàtipatti imply? ‘Kàlàtipatti (expresses) an action past, going beyond.’

26. Hìyattanì, Sattamì, Panchamì, (and) Vattamànà, (are) Sabbadhàtuka.³¹

a. Sabbadhàtuka is the appellation for the four, Hìyattanì, &c.

Ex. A’gamà, ‘He went.’

Gachchheyya, ‘He may go.’

Gachchhatu, ‘Let him go.’

Gachchhati, ‘He goes.’

Q. Wherefore Sabbadhàtuka? ‘[To distinguish them from] the Asabbadhàtuka [which take] i as an augment.’³²

End of the First Chapter on Verbs.

NOTES.

Whilst in the Pràkrit “the only tenses of the active voice which remain, seem to be the present, the second future, and the Imperative” [Cowell’s Pràkrit Prakàsa, p. xxix]; the Pàli has nearly all the tenses known to the Sanskrit, viz: 1 Vattamànà, 2 Panchamì, 3 Sattamì, 4 Parokkhà, 5 Hiyattanì, 6 Ajjatanì, 7 Bhavissantì, and 8 Kàlàtipatti. The first answers to the Present Tense; the fourth, fifth, and sixth to the Past; and the seventh to the Future. The second is the Imperative; the third is the Potential; and the eighth, the Conditional. Thus, the Pàli differs from the Sanskrit merely in the absence of those elaborations, by which the Imperative is distinguished into “commanding” and “blessing,” and by which also the Future is divided into the “definite” and the “indefinite.” There is, however, some difficulty in reconciling the Sanskrit Præterites with the three past Tenses in the Pàli. This arises from the promiscuous use of two, at least, of the three præterites, both in the Pàli and Sanskrit; and also from the confused definitions of Grammarians.

One of these Tenses, Lit. is defined [see Pànini, III. 2. 115.] to be, ‘what took place before the current day, and unperceived (by the narrator.)’ [Dr. Ballentyn’s Laghu Kaumudì, § 417.] The introduction of the words, “before the current day,” which we do not find in the Pàli definition, adds not a little to this confusion. The Parokkhà (paroksha, Sans.) as ‘the past of any period,’ and from its agreement in purport, as well as in its construction by re-duplication, may, however, be identified with the Second Præterite of Dr. Wilkins, and Professor Wilson.

Another Præterite, Lang, which is defined to be “the past before the commencement of the current day” [Pànini III. 2. 111; Laghu Kaumudì, § 450] agrees with the First Præterite of Dr. Wilkins and Professor Wilson; and is identical with the Pàli Hìyattanì [hyastana, Sans.]; although, I must observe, it does not seem to convey, as remarked by several European Grammarians, and amongst them by Pr. Wilson, “action past, but not perfected.” See Wilson’s Grammar, p. 112.

The remaining Præterite, Lung, which is the Third in European Sanskrit Grammars, can only refer to the Pàli Ajjatanì; but its definition in Sanskrit Grammars as ‘what is past (indefinitely)’ [Pànini III. 2, 110; Laghu Kaumudì, § 462] does not accord with the Pàli definition, nor with the adyatana bhùta kàla, given by Dr. Wilkins, as ‘the past time of to-day’—p. 651.

According to Pàli Grammarians, the three past tenses in the Pàli, have a clear syntactical distinction, which does not appear to exist in the modern Sanskrit. [See Bopp’s Comp. Grammar, II. p. 729.] Although in the former, all the three tenses express the past; yet they are for three different periods of the past, that is to say;—The Ajjatanì is ‘time past within the current day.’ The Hìyattanì is for ‘time recently past before yesterday.’ And the Parokkhà, or the re-duplicate præterite, is ‘for time past unperceived (by the narrator)’ i.e. an action past at a time, of which the senses have no perception; or, in other words, action indefinitely past. See note ¶ at p. 6, supra.

As the Pàli, like the Sanskrit, loves the use of the present tense; so likewise in using the past the former prefers, what is called ‘a wave in the ocean of verbs,’ the Ajjatanì, which has a present-perfect sense. The Bàlavatàra lays down the farthest limit of this past time as follows:—

Pachchhimo’ tìta rattiyà yàmo addham’amussa và
Kàlo siyà tvajjatano Veyyàkarana dassinan.

‘The Ajjatanì tense of the Grammarians is [commences from] the last Yàma [from 3 A.M.] of the previous night, or, its half [from 5 A.M.]’

Thus the Pàli Ajjatanì (adyatana, Sans.) which is regarded as ‘the præterite of to-day’ or ‘action which has taken place during the current day,’ appears to me to be the “present-perfect,” (amavi), in the Latin; and I have accordingly rendered it into English in my translation: and, in view of the other distinctions to which I have adverted, I believe, I am justified in regarding the Hìyattani as “the definite past;” and the Parokkhà as “the indefinite past.”

CAP: II.

1. At the end of verbal, and nominal roots, Affixes.

a. The affixes are at the end of these, (viz.) verbal and nominal roots.

Ex. Karo-ti, ‘He does.’

Gachchhati, ‘He goes.’

[But] kàreti, ‘He causes to do’ [where] one does, and another bids the doer, do; or, [where one] causes the doer.

Pabbatàyati—[as where] ‘the Sangha conducts himself-as-a mountain.’

Samuddayati—[as where one] ‘acts-himself-like-the-ocean.’

Likewise Chichchità-yati [as where] ‘the Sea (roars) acts-like³³ chichchita.’

Vàsittho—[to express] ‘the-son of Vasittha.’³⁴ In like manner other affixes should be employed.

2. Kh, chh, s, optionally after tija, gupa, kita, màna.³⁵

a. The radicals tija, gupa, kita, màna, optionally take after them the affixes kh chh and s.

Ex. Titikkhati, ‘He endures.’

Jiguchchhati, ‘He reproaches.’

Tikichchhati, ‘He cures.’

Vìmansati, ‘He investigates.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [Because the roots sometimes take other affixes, e. g.] Tejati, ‘He sharpens’; Gopati, ‘He protects’; Màneti, ‘He offers.’³⁶

3. Also after bhuja ghasa hara supa, &c., in desideratives with tun.³⁷

a. The radicals bhuja, ghasa, hara, supa, &c., optionally take after them, in desideratives with tun, the affixes kh, chh, and s.

Ex. Bhottu michchhati = Bubhukkhati.

[In the sense of] ‘He-wishes-to eat,’ = Bubhukkhati.

Ghasitu michchhati = Jighachchhati.

[In the sense of] ‘He-wishes-to-eat,’ = Jighachchhati.

Haritu michchhati = Jiginsati.³⁸

[In the sense of] ‘He-wishes-to-take,’ = Jiginsati.

Supitu michchhati = Sussùsati.

[In the sense of] ‘He-wishes-to-sleep,’ = Sussùsati.

Pàtu michchhati = pivàsati.

[In the sense of] ‘He-wishes-to-drink,’ = pivàsati.

1st Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [Because the same words are used in an infinitive form, thus] Bhottu’michchhati, ‘He wishes to eat.’

2nd Q. Wherefore ‘in desideratives with tun?’ [To shew that primitives do not take those affixes, as in] Bhunjati, ‘He eats.’

4. After a nominal root denoting comparison to the nominative, àya in the sense of treatment.

a. The affix àya (in the sense of) treatment comes after the nominal root, when it denotes a comparison to the Nominative.³⁹

Ex. Pabbatàyati, ‘He conducts himself as a mountain.’

Chichchitàyati, ‘It roars like chichchita.’

Note.—In like manner should others be employed.

5. And ìya denoting comparison.⁴⁰

a. And the affix íya (in the sense of) treatment, comes after a nominal root which denotes a comparison.⁴¹

Ex. Achhattan chhatta miva àcharati = chattìyati, ‘He treats that which is not an umbrella, like an umbrella = chattìyati.’

Aputtan putta miva àcharati = puttìyati, ‘He treats as a son, him who is not a son = puttìyati.’

1st Q. Wherefore ‘that which denotes comparison?’ (To mark the difference between exact likeness and mere conformation to a model, in which latter case the rule does not apply; as) Dhammamàcharati, ‘He practises dhamma’⁴²

2nd Q. Wherefore ‘treatment’? (To shew that although the verb may denote an identical likeness; yet if it does not convey a continuance of the action, or usage, the rule does not apply; as) Chatta miva rakkhati, ‘He preserves (it) like an umbrella.’

In like manner should other (affixes) be used.

6. After a nominal root implying self-desire.

a. After a nominal root, implying desire for one’s self, the affix becomes ìya.⁴³

Ex. Attano pattamichchhatì-ti = pattìyati.

‘He desires a vessel for himself’ = pattìyati.

So likewise; vatthìyati, ‘He desires raiment for himself.’

Parikkhàrìyati, ‘He desires Parikkhàra⁴⁴ for himself.’

Chìvarìyati, ‘He desires yellow robes for himself.’

Dhanìyati, ‘He desires wealth for himself.’

Patìyati, ‘He desires clothes for himself.’

Q. Wherefore the words ‘desire for one’s self?’ [To shew that where the desire expressed is not for one’s self, the rule does not apply; as] Aññassa pattamichchhati, ‘He desires a vessel for another.’

So likewise should others be used.

7. In the sense of the Causal Agent the Causal (affixes) ne naya nàpe nàpayà after the radical.

a. In the sense of the Causal Agent⁴⁵ all roots take the affixes, ne, naya, nàpe, nàpayà; and they receive the appellation of Kàrita ‘the Causal.’

Ex. Kàreti, kàrayati, kàràpeti, [or] kàràpayati, ‘He causes to do’—[where] one does, and another bids the doer ‘do’; or [where one] causes the doer.

Kàrenti, kàrayanti, kàràpenti, (or) kàràpayanti, ‘They cause to do’—[where] some do, and others bid the doers ‘do, do.’

Pàcheti, pàchayati, pàchàpeti (or) pàchàpayati, ‘He causes to cook’—[where] one cooks, and another bids him ‘cook’; or [where one] causes the cook.

Pàchenti, pàchayanti, pàchàpenti (or) pàchàpayanti, ‘They cause to cook’—[where] some cook, and others bid those who cook, thus ‘cook-cook.’

So likewise,

Haneti, hanayati, hanàpeti, (or) hanàpayati, ‘He causes to kill.’

Bhaneti, bhanayati, bhanàpeti, (or) bhanàpayati, ‘He causes to utter.’

In like manner should also others be used.

Q. Wherefore ‘in the sense of the Causal Agent’? [To exclude primitives, such as] karoti, ‘He does’; pachati, ‘He cooks.’

Note—By the insertion of ‘the sense,’ the affix la may be (understood; as) Jotalati, ‘He causes to glitter.’

8. After a crude noun with the sense of a verb, naya, &.

a. After a nominal root with the sense of a verb, the affix is naya; and it is named Kàrita.⁴⁶

Ex. atihatthayati = hattinà atikkamati maggan, ’By means-of-the-elephant he-goes-beyond-⁴⁷ the way.

upavìnayati = vìnàya upagàyati, ‘He plays music with a lute.’

dalha yati = dalhan karoti vinayan, ’He excels in vinaya.

visuddhayati = visuddhà hoti ratti, ‘The evening is bright.’

Note.—By the addition of the ‘and’ such affixes as àra, àla are admissible; as antaràrati, ‘He incurs danger;’ upakkamàlati, ‘He devises a plan.’

9. Yá in the substantive and passive voices.

a. In the substantive and passive voices, the affix ya comes after all the radicals.

Ex. thìyate, ‘(it is) standing.’

bujjhìyate, ‘is known.’

pachchate, ‘is cooked.’

labbhate, ‘is acquired.’

karìyate, ‘is done.’

ijjate,’ is sacrificed.’

uchchate, ‘is spoken.’

Q. What is the force of ‘the substantive and passive voices’? [By that expression the active voice is excluded; as in the following examples] karoti, ‘he does’; pachati, ‘he cooks’; pathati, ‘he reads.’

Note.—By the insertion of yo [in the rule] the affix ya is admissible in other than the substantive and passive voices; as daddallati, ‘it illumines intensely.’⁴⁸

10. A substitution of y. v and the letters of the ch. class for it, and the final letter of the radical.

a. As exigency may require the letters of the ch class, y. (or) v. may be substituted for it i.e. [see preceding rule] the affix ya, joined to the final letter of the radical.

Ex. vuchchate, ‘is said’; vuchchante, ‘are said.’
uchchate, ‘is said’; uchchante, ‘are said.’
majjate, ‘is intoxicated’; majjante, ‘are intoxicated.’
pachchate, ‘is cooked’; pachchante, ‘are cooked.’
bujjhate, ‘is known’; bujjhante, ‘are known.’
yujjhate, ‘is fought’; yujjhante, ‘are fought.’
kujjhate, ‘is provoked’; kujjhante, ‘are provoked.’
ujjhate, ‘is abandoned’; ujjhante, ‘are abandoned.’
haññate, ‘is killed’; haññante, ‘are killed.’
kayyate, ‘is done’; kayyante, ‘are done.’
dibbate, ‘is played’; dibbante, ‘are played.’⁴⁹

11. Optionally the augment of i class.

a. When the affix ya comes after a radical, the vowels of the i class are optionally augmented.

Ex. kariyyate ‘is done,’ karìyanti ‘are done’; gachchhìyate ‘is gone,’ gachchhiyyanti ‘are gone.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To shew that the augment is not inserted in a word like the following] kayyate ‘is done.’

12. And assumes the previous letter,

a. When the affix ya comes after a radical, the same is optionally changed into the letter preceding it.

Ex. vuddhate, ‘is increased’; ’phallate, ‘is fructified’; dammate, ‘is subjugated’; labbhate, ‘is acquired’; sakkate, ‘is abled;’ dissate ‘is seen.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exception as in] damyate, ‘is subjugated.’

13. And likewise in the active voice.

a. As (different) substitutions take place [according to previous rules] to the affix ya, in the substantive and passive voices; so likewise the same substitutions for the affix ya may be adopted in the active voice.

Ex. bujjhati, ‘he knows’; vijjhati, ‘he pierces,’ maññati ‘he thinks,’ sibbati ‘he stitches.’

14. A (after) bhu, &c.⁵⁰

a. In the active voice the affix a comes after the radicals of the bhu, &c. class.

Ex. bhavati ‘is’; pathati ‘reads’; pachati ‘cooks’; yajati ‘sacrifices.’

15. After rudh &c, with a niggahìta⁵¹ before, &.

a. In the active voice the affix a comes after the radicals of rudha, &c. class, with a niggahìta augment before [the final letter of the root.]

Ex. rundhati ‘obstructs’; bhindati ‘breaks’; chhindati ‘cuts.’

Note.—By the insertion of ‘and’ [to the rule, other] affixes such as i, ì, e, and o, are admissible with a niggahìta before the [final letter of the root]; as rundhiti, rundhìti, or rundheti, ‘obstructs’; sumbhoti, ‘shines.’

16. Ya after div, &c.

a. In the active voice the affix ya comes after the radicals of the diva, &c. class.

Ex. dibbati ‘sports’; sibbati ‘stitches’; yujjhati ‘fights’; vijjhati ‘pierces’; bujjhati ‘knows.’

17. And nu, nà,⁵² and unà, after su, &c.

a. In the active voice the affixes nu, nà, and unà come after the radicals, of su, &c. class.

Ex. abhisunoti or abhisunàti ‘well-hears’; sanvunoti or sanvunàti ‘obstructs’; àvunoti or àvunàti ‘strings’; pàpunoti or pàpunàti ‘obtains.’

18. Nà after ki, &c.

a. In the active voice, the affix nà comes after the radicals, of ki, &c. class.

Ex. kinàti ‘buys’; jinàti ‘conquers’; dhunàti ‘shakes’; lunàti ‘cuts’; punàti ‘purifies.’

19. And ppa and nhà, after gah, &c.

a. In the active voice, the affixes ppa and nhà come after the radicals of gaha, &c. class.⁵³

Ex. gheppati or ganhàti ‘takes.’

20. O, and yirà after tan, &c.

a. In the active voice, the affixes o and yirà come after the radicals of tanu, &c. class.

Ex. tanoti ‘stretches’; tanohi ‘stretch (thou)’; karoti ‘does’; karohi ‘do [thou]’; kayirati ‘does’; kayiràhi ‘do [thou].’

21. Ne, naya after chur, &c.

a. In the active voice, the affixes ne and naya come after the radicals of chura, &c. class.

Ex. choreti or chorayati ‘steals’; chinteti or chintayati ‘thinks’; manteti or mantayati ‘deliberates.’

22. Attanopada (mark) the action and the object.⁵⁴

a. The attanopada (affixes) are used to mark the action and the object.⁵⁵

Ex. uchchate ‘is spoken’; uchchante ‘are spoken.’
labbhate ‘is acquired’; labbhante ‘are acquired.’
majjate ‘is intoxicated’; majjante ‘are intoxicated.’
yujjhate ‘is fought’; yujjhante ‘are fought.’
kayyate ‘is done’; kayyante ‘are done.’

23. Also the agent.

a. The attanopada (affixes) also mark the agent [in the active voice.]

Ex. maññate ‘he respects’ [himself.]
rochate ‘it brightens’ [of itself.]
sochate ‘it grieves.’
sobhate ‘it illumines.’
bujjhate ‘he understands’ [by himself.]
jàyate ‘he produces’ [by his own effort.]

24. Verbal terminations after radicals and affixes.

a. Verbal terminations come after the radicals ending with affixes [beginning] from kh, &c., and ending with the kàrita.⁵⁶

Ex. titikkhati ‘he endures’; jiguchchhati ‘he reproaches’; vìmansati ‘he investigates.’

Tatàkan samudda miva attànam’àcharati = samuddàyati ‘the lake conducts itself like the sea.’

Puttìyati ‘he treats (him) as a son of his own’; pàchayati ‘he causes to cook.’

25. Parassapada, the agent.

a. The parassapada mark the agent.⁵⁷

Ex. karoti ‘he does,’ pachati ‘he cooks,’ pathati ‘he reads,’ gachchhati ‘he goes.’

26. Bhû, &c., are radicals.

a. Classes of words such as bhû, &c., receive the appellation of radicals.

Ex. bhavati ‘is’; bhavanti ‘are.’
pachati ‘cooks’; pachanti ‘cook.’
charati ‘walks.’
chintayati ‘thinks.’
gachchhati ‘goes.’

End of the Second Chapter on Verbs.

NOTES.

In the Pàli, the roots dhàtu) are nearly identical with those in the Sanskrit; and are distinguished into different conjugations, the same as in the Sanskrit, by anubandhas, or characteristic letters affixed to them.

The Pràkrit verb seems to be far less complete than the Pàli; for the former has but one Conjugation, equal to the first in the Sanskrit, though fragments of forms belonging to other Conjugations frequently occur in the Dramatic works. (Pr. Cowell’s Pràkrit Prakàsa, p. xxix.)

The Pali forms of verbs and participles, generally, depart less from the Sanskrit than the Pràkrit ones do (see Tables in Dr. Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, II. p. 97, et seq.) In the Sanskrit there are ten Conjugations. To the Pali are unknown three of them, answering to the 2nd, 3rd, and 6th in the Sanskrit.

True it is that Kachchàyana gives (see § 19 supra) another class, at the head of which he places gah. But, not only is the existence in the Pàli, of this [eighth] class ignored in the Dhàtu Manjusa, but the writer of the Mahà Saddanìti says, that the àdi (by which a ‘class’ is indicated) in the Sutta above noticed, is a mistake,—which is indeed probable: since, except gah it is difficult to discover any other Pali radical which comes under this class, and since also gah itself may be conjugated as a verb of the ki class.

The seven Conjugations known to the Pali, answer to the first, fourth, fifth, seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth classes of the Sanskrit verb; thus:

Pali class.	Affixes.	Place in Sanskrit.
1. bhû	a	1
2. rudh	a	7
3. div	ya	4
4. su	nu, na, una.	5
5. ki	nâ	9
6. tan	o, yirâ	8
7. chur	ne, naya	10

The writer of the Dhàtu Manjusa remarks that the second, third, and sixth Conjugations of Sanskrit Grammarians are comprehended in the first of the Pali verbs, which also occupies the same place in the Sanskrit classes. It may indeed be readily believed that the three classes which the Sanskrit possesses over the Pali, are merely the elaborations of Grammarians. For, although in the Sanskrit, primitive verbs may belong to any one of the first nine classes; yet it is a significant fact that by far the greatest number do not belong to the second and third: and the third is only distinguished from the second by a syllable of reduplication in the special tenses. [Bopp’s Comp. Gram. p. 107.]

In considering the characteristics of the Sanskrit classes, it is also remarkable that the sixth, like the first, adds a to the root, “the difference between the first class of nearly one thousand roots (almost the half of the entire number), and the sixth class which contains about 130 roots,” being, as remarked by Bopp in his Comp. Gram. p. 104, that “the former raise the vowel of the root by Guna, while the latter retain it pure.” “As a has no Guna,” adds the same writer, “no discrimination can take place through this vowel between the classes 1 and 6; but nearly all the roots which belong to either, having a as the radical vowel, are reckoned in the first class.”

I may also here observe that in the Vedas some verbs, e.g. mri, of the sixth conjugation, are inflected as if belonging to the first—a circumstance from which it may be inferred that the Sanskrit roots were not originally divided into ten classes.

The correspondence between the Pali and Sanskrit affixes in the remaining Conjugations will be readily seen, the differences being indeed very slight. The distinction, however, between the two first Conjugations in the Pali, is, that in the second the root takes an augment of a niggahìta before the final consonant [Bopp, p. 108.] In the affixes the Cerebral n is an anubandha, which however is not very frequent in the Pàli. The n in the affixes of the seventh class denotes the substitution of vriddhi [see Bàlavatàra, p. 88] for the radical element.

Although the Grammar before us does not distinctly name all the derivative verbs known to the Sanskrit, and has not shewn the peculiarities of the Frequentative form of the verb; (see note at p. 17,) yet the existence of them in the Pali is undoubted. More on this subject hereafter. See notes to the third Chapter infra.

CAP: III.

1. Sometimes the primary letter of a monosyllabic radical⁵⁸ is reduplicated.

a. The primary letter of a monosyllabic radical is sometimes reduplicated.

Ex. titikkhati ‘forbears.’
jiguchchhati ‘reproaches.’
tikichchhati ‘cures.’
vìmansati ‘investigates.’
bubhukkhati ‘wishes to eat.’
pivàsati ‘wishes to drink.’
daddallati ‘illumines intensely.’
jahàti ‘abandons.’
chankamati ‘walks repeatedly.’

Q. Wherefore ‘sometimes’? [To mark the exceptions; such as] kamati ‘walks’; chalati ‘shakes.’

2. The first abbhàsa⁵⁹

a. The first [letter] of a reduplicate root is named abbhàsa.

Ex. dadhàti ‘holds.’
dadàti ‘gives.’
babhùva ‘became.’

3. Is short.⁶⁰

a. The (first) vowel in the abbhàsa is short.

Ex. dadàti ‘gives’; dadhàti ‘holds’; jahàti ‘abandons.’

4. The second and fourth become first and third.

a. When the abbhàsa is either the second or fourth [letter in a class] they are (respectively) changed into the first, and third [letters of that class.]⁶¹

Ex. chichchheda ‘He (it is reported) cut.’
bubhukkhati ‘wishes to eat.’
babhùva ‘became.’
dadhàti ‘holds.’

5. Ch. class for k class.

a. When the abbhàsa is a k [or another of that] class, the same is changed into [its corresponding letter in the] ch class.

Ex. chikichchhati, ‘cures’; jiguchchhati, ‘reproaches’; jighachchhati, ‘wishes to eat’; chankamati, ‘walks repeatedly’; jiginsati, ‘wishes to take’; jangamati, ’frequently goes.

6. Optionally v. and t. for màna and kita.

a. Optionally the abbhàsà of the radicals màna and kita are respectively changed into v. and t.

Ex. vìmansati ‘investigates’; tikichchhati ‘cures.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exception as in the example] chikichchhati ‘cures.’

7. J for h.

a. The h in the abbhàsa is changed into j.

Ex. jahàti ‘abandons’; juvhati⁶² or juhoti ‘sacrifices’; jahàra ‘(it is said) he abandoned.’

8. Optionally i⁶³ and a for the last.

a. The last⁶⁴ of the abbhàsa becomes, i; optionally a.

Ex. jiguchchhati ‘reproaches’; pivàsati ‘wishes to drink’; vìmansati ‘investigates’; jighachchhati ‘wishes to eat’; babhùva ‘became’; dadhàti ‘holds.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exception, as in the example] bubhukkhati ‘wishes to eat.’

9. And a niggahìta.

a. Optionally an augment of niggahìta (anusvàra) after the abbhàsa.

Ex. chankamati ‘walks repeatedly’; chañchalati ‘frequently shakes’; jangamati ‘frequently goes.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exceptions as in the instances] pivàsati ‘wishes to drink’; daddallati ‘illumines intensely.’

10. After pà and mà, và and man [before the affix] sa.

a. When the roots pà and mà take the affix sa, optionally they receive after the abbhàsa, the substitutions và and man respectively.

Ex. pivàsati ‘wishes to drink’; vìmansati ‘investigates.’

11. Tittha for thà.

a. Optionally tittha is substituted for a root such as thà.

Ex. titthati ‘stands’; titthatu ‘let him stand’; tittheyya ‘he may stand’; tittheyyun ‘they may stand.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exception as in the example] thàti ‘stands.’

12. Piba for pà.

a. Optionally piba is substituted for the root pà.

Ex. pibati ‘drinks’; pibatu ‘let him drink’; pibeyya ‘he may drink.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exception as in the example] pàti ‘he drinks.’

13. Jà jan and nà for ñà.

a. Optionally jà jan and nà are substituted for the root ñà.

Ex. jànàti ‘knows’; jàneyya ‘may know’; jàniyà ‘may know’; jaññà ‘know thou’; nàyati ‘he knows.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exception] viññàyati ‘is well-known.’

14. Optionally passa, dissa, and dakkha for disa.

a. Optionally passa, dissa and dakkha are substituted for the root disa.

Ex. passati ‘sees’; dissati ‘sees’; dakkhati ‘sees.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exception] addasa⁶⁵ ‘he saw.’

15. Ch for the final consonant, [when followed by the] affixes chh., &.⁶⁶

a. The final consonant of the radical becomes ch, when it (the root) takes the affix chh.

Ex. jiguchchhati ‘reproaches’; tikichchhati ‘cures’; jighachchhati ‘wishes to eat.’

16. And ka, when kha.

a. The final consonant of the radical becomes ka, when it takes the affix kha.

Ex. titikkhati ‘forbears’; bubhukkhati ‘wishes to eat.’

17. Gin for hara, when sa.

a. Gin is substituted for the entire root hara, when it takes the affix sa.

Ex. jiginsati ‘wishes to take.’

18. àha and bhùva, for brù and bhù (before) parokkhà.

a. Aha and bhùva are (respectively) substituted for the radicals brù and bhù, before parokkhà terminations.⁶⁷

Ex. àha ‘(it is reported) he said.’
àhu ‘(it is reported) they said.’
babhùva ‘(it is reported) it became.’
babhùvu ‘(it is reported) they became.’

Q. Wherefore parokkhà? [To mark the exception as in the Ajjatanì, see Cap. 1. § 14] abruvun ‘they have said.’

19. Optionally, before all, chchh. for the final of gami.

a. Optionally the final m in the root gamu, becomes chchh before all the affixes and terminations.

Ex. gachchhamàno, gachchhanto ‘going.’
gachchhati, gameti⁶⁸ ‘he goes.’
gachchhatu, gametu ‘let him go.’
gachchheyya, gameyya ‘he may go.’
agachchha, agamà ‘he went.’
agachchhi, agami ‘he has gone.’
gachchhissati, gamissati ‘he will go.’
agachchhissà, agamissà ‘he would have gone.’
agachchhìyati, agamìyati ‘he is gone.’⁶⁹

Q. Wherefore ‘of gami’? [To shew that the rule is limited to the given verb;⁷⁰ and that it does not apply to is] ichchhati ‘he wishes.’

20. The a in vach [becomes] o before Ajjatanì.

a. Before Ajjatanì terminations, the a in the root vach becomes o.

Ex. avocha ‘he has said’; avochun ‘they have said.’

Q. Wherefore ‘before Ajjatanì’? [Witness the examples in the hìyattani, as] avachà ’he spoke; avachu ‘they spoke.’

21. Before hi mi and ma, the a is long.

a. Before the terminations hi, mi, and ma, the a is long.

Ex. gachchhàhi ‘go thou’; gachchhàmi ‘I go’; gachchhàma ‘we go’; gachchhàmhe ‘we go.’

Note.—By reason of the insertion of ‘mi’⁷¹ (in the rule) the a is sometimes short before the termination hi; as gachchhahi go thou.’

22. Optionally hi is elided.

a. The termination hi is optionally elided.

Ex. gachchha for gachchhàhi ‘go thou.’
gama for gamehi ‘go thou.’
gamaya for gamayàhi ‘go thou.’

Q. Wherefore ‘hi’? [To limit the rule to that particular termination; as] gachchhati, ‘he goes’; gamiyati ‘he is gone.’

23. And ssa, in bhavissanti; [when] the vowel in hoti⁷² [becomes] eha, oha, e.

a. Optionally the ssa in bhavissanti terminations is elided, when the vowel in the radical⁷³ hu is changed into eha, oha, e.

Ex. hehiti, hohiti, heti, hehissati, hohissati, hessati ‘he will be.’
hehinti, hohinti, henti, hehissanti, hohissanti, hessanti ‘they will be.’

Q. 1st. Wherefore hù? To exclude the radical bhù of the same import, to which the rule does not apply; as] bhavissati ‘he will be’; bhavissanti ‘they will be.’

Q. 2nd. Wherefore ‘in bhavissanti’? [To shew that the rule is limited to the future tense, as in] hoti ‘he is’ honti ‘they are.’

24. Kàha for kara including its affix.

a. Before bhavissanti terminations optionally kàha is substituted for the radical kara including its affix, [when] always the ssa is elided.

Ex. kàhati, kàhiti ‘he will do’; kàhasi, kàhisi ‘thou wilt do’; kàhàmi ‘I will do’; kàhàma ‘we will do.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [Witness] karissati ‘he will do’ karissanti ‘they will do.’

Note—that by the force of the words ‘including its affix’ [the rule may be extended] to other roots before bhavissanti terminations, when the radicals take the substitutions khàmi, khàma, and chhàmi, chhàma, e. g., the radical vas, vakkhàmi ‘I shall relate’; vakkhàma ‘we shall relate’; the radical vasa—vachchhàmi ‘I shall dwell’; vachchhàma ‘we shall dwell.’

End of the Third Chapter on Verbs.

NOTES.

Although the Grammar before us has not distinctly defined the derivative verbal forms known to the Sanskrit; yet, it will be observed (see examples to the very first rule with which this Chapter commences), that the Pali is not deficient in any of them. It has the Passive, the Causal, the Nominal, the Desiderative, and the Intensive forms.

The Pali, like the Sanskrit Passive, receives the syllable ya to the root, Cap. ii. § 9. Although y is frequently lost by assimilation, as in pachchate ‘is cooked’; bhujjate ‘is known’; it is, nevertheless, retained in words like karìyate ‘is done.’ The Pali is, in this respect, different from the Pràkrit, which, in the formation of the Passive, generally takes ìa or ijja; as, padhìai or padhijjai [Vararuchi vii. 8, 9,] for the Pali patthate ‘is recited.’ In the Pràkrit ai, we clearly see the Dravidian termination ei, which runs through the entire body of its principal dialect, the Tamil; e. g. avei ‘those’; talei ‘head’; videi ‘to sow’; irukkei (the verbal nouns for) ‘being.’ In the termination ijja, however, may be discovered the representative of the Sanskrit y, viz, g or j, into which the y passes in different forms of the Pràkrit and the Indo-European languages. See Bopp’s Comp. Grammar, pp. 17, 110.

In the Pali there are four forms of the Causal verb, viz, e, aya, àpe, and àpayà; [Cap. ii. § 7,] whilst, of these, two alone are generally found in the Pràkrit, e. g. kàredi or kàràvedi. The first answers to the Pali kàreti, and the second (in which, as in the Dravidian, the p is changed into v) to kàràpeti. These again may be regarded as the vernacular forms of kàrayati and kàràpayati, which are known to the Sanskrit, in which, it is moreover remarkable, the first aya is the prevailing affix, the second payà being confined to ‘those roots which ending in à, or in a diphthong to be changed into à, receive before aya the affix of a p,’ as in sthàpayàmi ‘I make to stand.’ Bopp’s. Comp. Gram. p. 1002. The difference between the Pali, Pràkrit, and Sanskrit causal affixes may be thus exhibited:—


(i.)	kareti	kàrayati	kàràpeti	kàràpayati.
(ii.)	karedi	……….	kàràvedi	…………
(iii.)	……..	kàryati	……….	sthàpayati

It is indeed very remarkable, as stated by Professor Bopp, that the contraction of aya into e, as in the Pali and Pràkrit manemi, is also to be found in ‘the Old-High German, and the Latin of the second conj.’ Comp. Gram. p. 109.

With regard to the Pràkrit form of the Causative, Professor Lassen has the following observations.⁷⁴ “From the Sanskrit form of the Causative roots in à, which insert a servile p between the termination of the root and the addition ay, arises another form of the Pràkrit Causative which adds àp to the root, or to the theme of the present active. The Causative inflects this dissyllable in àp (whence àb; Comp. sec. 37) entirely like that which has just been mentioned. This form is derived from the Sanskrit discourse of one of the lower orders; for, in the Vetàlapanchavinsati, and in other Milesian tales we read jìvàpayati, mochàpayati, and others of the kind. Vararuchi observes, vii. 17, that kàràbeyi is also called karàbeyi, i.e., if àp be added, the vowel of the Sanskrit Causative is now and then shortened. Examples of this are thàbehi Vik. 6, 10; lohàbedi Sak. 58, 5 from lubh; tuaràbedu Màl. Vik. 44, 10; marisàbedha Sak. 55, 9; mo (ch) àbehi Sak. 153, 6; Vik. 13, 14; 14, 3. Fut. moàbissam &c.”

I may here refer to a peculiarity of the Pali Causal verb, which has been noticed by the writer of the Bàlavatàra, viz., that Intransitive verbs with a causal affix, convey a transitive signification; e g., bhikkhu ràgàdi dùsakan maggan bhàveti, ‘the priest contemplates the defiling path of the passions’⁷⁵

Akammakàpi hetvatthappachchayantà sakammakà
Tan yathà bhikkhu bhàveti maggan ràgàdi dùsakan.

The affinity between, what I conceive to be, the cultivated forms of the Causal affixes and the Passive, is obvious. The same relationship which exists between these forms exists also between them and the affixes of the Nominal verb, which takes àya and ìya in several different senses, as in the Sanskrit. [Laghu Kawmudhi 297.] Thus,


karì	(ya)	ya-te	Passive.
kàra	(ya)	ya-ti	Causal.
pabbat	(àya)	àya-ti	(i.) Nominal, Cap. ii. § 4.
chatt	(ìya)	ìya-ti	(ii.) do. do. § 5.
chatt	(ìya)	ìya-ti	(iii.) do. do. § 6.
upavìn	(aya)	aya-ti	(iv.) do. do. § 8.
dad-dal	(ya)	l (y)a-ti	Intensive.

Of the Intensive and Desiderative forms in the Pràkrit, Professor Lassen remarks that “reliques only of these verbs are extant, and, in truth, these kinds of derivative verbs rarely pass over into common conversation. Jugutsa, whence the Pràkrit jugutcha. It is extant in M. M. 36, 11, etc.” Pràk. Inst. p. 367.

The Desiderative and Intensive forms of the verb, are indeed no strangers in the Pali. See Cap. ii. § 3; also iii. § 1. They are both formed, as in the Sanskrit, by the reduplication of the first syllable of the root. The Intensive form appears, as in the Sanskrit, generally, in verbs signifying ‘to shine,’ ‘to be beautiful,’ ‘to lament.’ Where, however, the primitive verb has a reduplicated form, as in titikkhati, it does not, as we learn from Moggallàyana, undergo a reduplication in its formation into the Desiderative; as titikkhisati ‘he wishes to endure,’ jiguchchhisati ‘he wishes to reproach.’ In these examples the affix s,⁷⁶ is the same as in the Sanskrit. But this is sometimes changed in the Pali into kh, or chh. See Cap. ii. §§ 2, 3. The Desiderative verb may also be formed into a Causal, e. g., bubukkhàpeti. See Moggallàyana’s Pali Grammar.

CAP: IV.

1. Before mi, ma, an for the final of dà.

a. Before mi, and ma, an is substituted for the final letter of the root dà.

Ex. dammi ‘I give’; damma ‘we give.’

2. Before a causal affix, (the radical) when not ending with a compound consonant, is subject to vuddhi.

a. The root, when not ending with a compound consonant, is subject to vuddhi⁷⁷ before a causal affix.

Ex. kàreti, kàrayati, kàràpeti, kàràpayati ‘he causes to do.’
kàrenti, kàrayanti, kàràpenti, kàràpayanti ‘they cause to do.’

Q. Wherefore ‘when not ending with a compound consonant’? [Witness] chintayati⁷⁸ ‘he reflects’; mantayati ‘he causes to deliberate.’

3. Optionally Ghata, &c.⁷⁹

a. When not ending with a compound consonant the roots ghata, &c., optionally receive vuddhi substitutions before causal affixes.

Ex. ghàteti, ghateti, ghàtayati, ghàtàpeti, ghàtàpayati, ghatàpayati ‘he causes to unite.’
gàmeti
gameti
gàmayati
gamayati } ‘he causes to go.’

Q. Wherefore ‘ghata, &c.’? [To exclude roots such as kara e. g.] kàreti ‘he causes to do.’

4. And others.

a. When not ending with compound consonants all roots receive vuddhi substitutions before other affixes.

Ex. jayati ‘he conquers’; bhavati or hoti ‘is.’

Note—by the insertion of an ‘and’ [to the sutta it may be laid down that,] the affix nu also takes the vuddhi substitutions; as abhisunoti ‘he hears well’; sanvunoti ‘he closes.’

5. Guha dusa long.

a. Before causal affixes, the vowel of the roots guha dusa, becomes long.

Ex. gùhayati ‘he causes to conceal’; dùsayati ‘he causes to pollute.’

6. Before ya, u for (v)a in vacha, vasa, vaha, &c.

a. Before the affix ya the (v)a in the roots vacha, vasa, vaha, &c., becomes u.

Ex. uchchate
vuchchati } ‘is said.’
vussati ‘is inhabited.’
vuyhati ‘is borne.’

7. Before y, h is transposed; (and) optionally (changed into) l.

a. Before the affix ya, the letter h is transposed; and the affix ya is optionally changed into l.

Ex. vuyhati or vulhati ‘is borne.’

8. Before ppa, ghe for gaha.

a. Before the affix ppa, ghe is substituted for the entire root gaha.

Ex. gheppati ‘he takes.’

9. Before nhà, ha is elided.

a. Before the affix nhà, the ha in the root gaha is elided.

Ex. ganhàti ‘he takes.’

10. Before Ajjatanì, kàsa for kara.

a. Before Ajjatanì terminations, the form of kàsa is substituted for the entire root kara.

Ex. akàsi or akari ‘he has done.’
akàsun or akarun ‘they have done.’

Note⁸⁰—by the expression atta ‘the form,’ sa may be augmented in others, e. g., ahosi ‘has been’; adàsi ‘has given.’

11. The mi mà of asa (become) mhi, mhà; and the last is elided.

a. The terminations mi and mà, which come after the root asa, are optionally changed into mhi and mhà; when the final letter of the root is elided.

Ex. amhi, or asmi ‘I am.’
amha, or asma ‘we are.’

12. Ttha for tha.

a. The termination tha of the root asa is changed into ttha, when [as before] the final letter of the root is elided.

Ex. attha ‘you are.’

13. Tthi for ti.

a. Ti, the termination of the root asa is changed into tthi; when the final letter of the root is also elided.

Ex. atthi ‘he is.’

14. Tthu for tu.

a. Tu, the termination of the root asa is changed into tthu; when the final letter of the root is also elided.

Ex. atthu ‘let him be.’

15. Also [when] si.

a. Also when si is the termination of the root asa, its final letter is elided.

Ex. ko nu tvam’asi ‘who art thou’?

16. Ttha tthan, for ì im, after labha.

a. When the terminations ì and im, come after the root labha, the same are changed into ttha and tthan; and the final letter of the root is elided.

Ex. alattha ‘he has got’; alattham ‘I have got.’

17. Chchhi for i, after kudha.

a. When the termination i comes after the root kudha, the same is changed into chchhi; and the final letter of the root is elided.

Ex. akkochchhi ‘he has angered.’⁸¹

18. Optionally dajja for the root dà.

a. Dajja is optionally substituted for the entire root dà.

Ex. dajjàmi or dadàmi ‘I give’; dajjeyya or dadeyya ‘he may give.’

19. Vajja for vada.

a. Vajja is optionally substituted for the entire root vada.

Ex. vajjàmi or vadàmi ‘I speak’; vajjeyya or vadeyya ‘he may speak.’

20. Ghamma for gamu.

a. Ghamma is optionally substituted for the entire root gamu.

Ex. ghammatu ‘let him go’; ghammàhi ‘go thou’; ghammàmi ‘let me go.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To shew the regular forms] gachchhatu ‘let him go’; gachchhàhi ‘go thou’; gachchhàmi ‘let me go.’

21. Before ya, ì for dà, dhà, mà, thà, hà, pà, maha, matha, &c.

a. Before the affix ya, the final vowel of dà, dhà, mà, thà, hà, pà, maha, matha, &c., becomes ì.

Ex. dìyati ‘is given’; dhìyati ‘is holden’; mìyati ‘is measured’; thìyati ‘is stationed’; hìyati ‘is reduced’; pìyati ‘is drunk’; mahìyati ‘is adored’; mathìyati ‘is churned.’

22. I for the first of yaja.

a. Before the affix ya, i is substituted for the first letter of the root yaja.

Ex. ijjate mayà Buddho ‘Buddha is worshipped by me.’

23. Imsu for um of all.

a. The termination um of all radicals, is changed into imsu.

Ex. upasamkamimsu ‘they have approached’; nisìdimsu ‘they have sat down.’

24. Optionally jìra (or) jìyya, and mìyya for jara and mara.

a. Optionally the roots jara, and mara take the substitutions jìra or jìyya, and mìyya.

Ex. jìrati or jìyyati ‘he becomes decrepid’: jìranti or jìyyanti ‘they become decrepid’; mìyati or marati ‘he dies’; mìyanti or maranti ‘they die.’

25. And the initial of asa is elided before all.

a. Before all terminations and affixes, the initial [vowel] of the root asa, is optionally elided.

Ex. siyà ‘it may be’; santi ‘they are’; santo ‘being’; samàno ‘being.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exception e. g.] asi ‘thou art.’

26. For asabbadhàtuka, bhù.

a. In asabbadhàtuka⁸² terminations, the very root asa, optionally becomes bhù.

Ex. bhavissati ‘he will be’; bhavissanti ‘they will be.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exception e. g.] àsum ‘they have been.’

27. Optionally iyà, and aññà for eyya after ñà.

a. Iya, and aññà are optionally substituted for the termination eyya after the root ñà.

Ex. jàniyà ‘he may know’: jaññà ‘he may know.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [Witness] jàneyya ‘he may know.’

28. Nà is rejected [or] changed into ya.

a. The affix nà of the root ñà is sometimes elided, and sometimes changed into ya.

Ex. jaññà ‘he may know’; nàyati ‘he knows.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exception e. g.] jànàti ‘he knows.’

29. A [becomes] e, and is rejected.

a. The affix a [see Cap. ii. § 14] is sometimes elided, and sometimes changed into e.

Ex. vajjemi or vademi
vajjàmi or vadàmi } ‘I speak.’

30. O becomes u.

a. Optionally the affix o [see Cap. ii. § 20] becomes u.

Ex. kurute or karoti ‘he does.’

Q. Wherefore ‘o’? [To shew the exception as in] hoti ‘is.’⁸³

31. And also the a of kara.

a. The a of the radical kara optionally becomes u.

Ex. kurute, karoti, kubbate, kubbati, and kairati ‘he does.’

Q. Wherefore ‘kara’? [To exclude other radicals, such as] sarati ‘walks’; marati ‘kills.’

32. Before a vowel o becomes ava.

a. Before a vowel, the final o of a radical optionally becomes ava.

Ex. chavati ‘quits’; bhavati ‘is.’

Q. 1st. Wherefore ‘before a vowel’? [To show that the rule does not apply except before a vowel, e. g.] hoti ‘is.’

Q. 2nd. Wherefore ‘o’? [To limit it to the rule, e. g.] jayati ‘conquers.’

33. E becomes aya.

a. Before a vowel, the final e of the radical optionally becomes aya.

Ex. nayati ‘leads’; jayati ‘conquers.’

Q. Wherefore ‘before a vowel’? [To shew that the rule does not apply except before a vowel, e. g.] neti ‘leads.’

34. Before a causative, they become âva and âya.

a. Before a causative they, viz., o and e, take the substitutions âva and âya.

Ex. lâveti ‘he causes to cut’; nâyeti ‘he causes to lead.’

Note.—By analyzing the suttan, âya is admissible before other affixes, e. g., gâyati ‘he sings.’

35. I is augmented before asabbadhâtuka.

a. Before asabbadhâtuka terminations, i is augmented.

Ex. gamissati ‘he will go’; karissati ‘he will do’; labhissati ‘he will acquire’; pachissati ‘he will cook.’

Q. Wherefore ‘before asabbadhâtuka’? [To shew that the rule does not apply to sabbadhâtuka terminations, e. g.] gachchhati ‘goes’; karoti ‘does’; labhati ‘acquires’; pachati ‘cooks.’

36. In certain instances, radicals, terminations, and affixes become long, take transformations, substitutions, and receive elision and augment, &c.

a. In certain instances, which are not here treated of, under the different voices of the verb, the elongation, transformation, substitution, elision, and augment, which radicals, terminations, and affixes receive [or undergo] should be adopted according to [the models furnished in] the word of Buddha.

Ex. jàyati⁸⁴ ‘is born.’
kareyya ‘he may do.’
jàniyà ‘he may know.’
siyà ‘may be.’
kare ‘he may do.’
gachchhe ‘he may go.’
jaññà ‘he may know’; or ‘know thou.’
vakkhetha ‘you speak.’
dakkhetha ‘you see.’
dichchhati ‘he sees.’
àgachchhun ‘they have come.’
ahosi ‘has been.’
ahesun ‘have been.’

Note.—In this wise should others be used.

37. The attanopadàni [become] the very parassapada.

a. Sometimes the attanopada (terminations) are changed into parassapada.

Ex. vuchchati ‘is spoken’; labbhati ‘is acquired’; pachchati ‘is cooked’; karìyati ‘is done’; sijjhati ‘is accomplished.’

Q. Wherefore ‘sometimes’? [To shew that the change is optional; as] vuchchate, labbhate, pachchate, karìyate, sijjhate.

38. A is augmented in the hiyattanì, ajjatanì, and kàlàtipattì.

a. Sometimes when the terminations are the Hìyattanì, Ajjatanì, [or] Kàlàtipattì, a is augmented [before the root.]

Ex. agamà ‘he went’; agami ‘he has gone’; agamissà ‘he would go.’

Q. Wherefore ‘sometimes’? [To indicate that the change is optional; as] gamà, gamì, gamissà.

39. ì after brù, when tì.

a. ì is augmented after the root brù, when the termination is tì.

Ex. bravìti ‘he speaks.’

40. The final of a root of many vowels is elided.

a. Sometimes the final [vowel] of a root of many vowels is elided.

Ex. gachchhati ‘goes’; pachati ‘cooks’; sarati ‘remembers’; marati ‘kills [or dies]’; charati ‘walks.’

1st Q. Wherefore ‘of many vowels’? [To exclude monosyllabic roots, as] pàti ‘drinks’; yàti ‘goes’; dàti ‘gives’; bhàti ‘shines’; vàti ‘wafts.’

2nd Q. Wherefore ‘sometimes’? [To mark the exceptions, such as] mahìyati ‘adores’; matìyati ‘churns.’

41. Optionally the finals of isu and yama [are changed into] ichchha.

a. Optionally the finals of isu and yama are changed into ichchha.

Ex. ichchhati ‘wishes’; niyachchhati ‘regulates.’

Q. Wherefore ‘optionally’? [To mark the exceptions such as] esati ‘searches’; niyamati ‘determines.’

42. The n of kàrita is elided.

a The n of kàrita affixes is elided.

Ex. kàreti
kàrayati
kàràpeti
kàràpayati } ‘causes to do.’

For the advancement of religion, the verb has been (thus) briefly illustrated by me: may the learned, according to their own respective attainments, reflect, (hereon.)

End of the Fourth Chapter on Verbs.

NOTES.

Some modern writers on Pali Grammar follow, in their illustrations, the principles of Sanskrit Grammar. E. g., the eight conjugations of Pali verbs are classed by Moggallàyana differently from Kachchàyana; and the classification by the former seems to be nearly in accordance with that adopted by Sanskrit writers. He also, like Vararuchi, refers the student in certain parts of his Grammar ‘to the Sanskrit,’ for the explication of ‘that which has been omitted.’ But it is very remarkable that the older the grammarian, the less he has identified the Pali with the Sanskrit. Kachchàyana is, certainly, one of the latter class. Although he has borrowed a few technical terms from Sanskrit Grammarians⁸⁵ (see Introduction, p. xxv.), and has even adopted the language of Pànini, as we have shown in the notes, and in the Introduction (p. xvii.); yet he has referred us for all that has not been treated of, in his work, to the Text-books of Buddhism—not, to the Sanskrit. This indicates clearly that he, at least, did not regard the Pali as an emanation of the Sanskrit. It is also clear from the whole tenor of his work that he wished to treat of the Pali as a dialect distinct from the Sanskrit. Confining my observations to the portion of Grammar which is published, two circumstances may be here adduced in support of this.

(i.) That where the Sanskrit takes the substitute chha for the finals of these, viz., ish ‘to wish,’ gam ‘to go,’ and yam ‘to restrain,’ when an affix follows having an indicatory s, as gachchhati ‘he goes.’ [Laghu Kawmudhi, p. 187]; the Pali receives it only in the verb gam ‘to go.’ It is clearly to show this difference that Kachchàyana gives us the Vutti in Cap. iii. § 19.

(ii.) It is indeed with the same object that a little farther on he calls attention (§ 23) to the existence in the Pali of a verb Substantive unknown to the Sanskrit. This is hù; on which a few remarks may not be out of place here.

Vararuchi, in his Pràkrit Prakàsa (vii. § 3) states that ho and huva are the substituted forms of the verbal root bhû. If this were so, the substitution would indeed be invariably found in all the variations of the root. But such is not the fact. When both Vararuchi cap xii. § 12 and Hemachandra § 269, speaking of the Saurasenì, give bhuvo bhah, a commentator, adds vâ with ex. bhodi, hodi; bhuvadi, huvadi; bhavadi, havadi; showing clearly the existence of both forms in the Pràkrit. This is the case in several Pràkrit languages, e. g., in the Maràthà, which also possesses the Pali hû, the Sanskrit as is used to supply the deficiences of the paradigm of the root hû. The Pali likewise takes in bhû to fill up the deficiencies of the uncultivated root hù, and the indiscriminate use of bhû, hû, and as disproves the alleged substitution. It is also disproved by the fact that in the Conjugation of hû it takes different modifications which are not found in the forms of bhû; e. g, bhavati is not havati, but hoti; abhava is not ahava, but ahuvà. So likewise the other forms of hû, not one of which is identical with the forms of bhù. Take, for instance, the principal Ajjatani forms in bhù and hù; and their difference is manifest:—

Singular (bhù)	Singular (hù)	Plural (bhù)	Plural (hù)
abhavi	ahu, ahosi	abhavinsu	ahavun, ahesun
abhavo	ahosi	abhavattha	ahosittha
abhavin	ahosin, ahun	abhavamhâ	ahosimha, ahumha

Again, if we regard hû as the substituted form of bhû, how is it that the former, like as, is so irregular? wherefore have we not as many forms without a b as with it? why is it deprived of Attanopada forms in all Tenses except the Hìyattanì? why indeed does it take so many forms as six in the future, when without the alleged substitution of h for bh, it has but one single form, bhavissati? For the illustration of other differences I subjoin the following

COMPARATIVE TABLES OF BHU, AS, HU.

PRESENT TENSE.

Parassa-pada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	bhavati	atthi	hoti	bhavanti	santi	honti
2	bhavasi	asi	hosi	bhavatha	attha	hotha
1	bhavámi	asmi, amhi	homi	bhavàma	asma, amha	homa

Attanopada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	bhavate	……	……	bhavante	……	……
2	bhavase	……	……	bhavavhe	……	……
1	bhave	……	……	bhavàmhe	……	……

DEFINITE PAST.

Parassapada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	abhava	……	ahuvà	abhavù	……	ahuvu
2	abhavo	……	ahuvo	abhavattha	……	ahuvattha
1	abhava	……	ahuvan, ahuva	abhavamhà	……	ahuvamha

Attanopada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	abhavattha	……	ahuvattha	abhavatthun	……	ahuvatthun
2	abhavase	……	ahuvase	abhavavhan	……	ahuvavhan
1	abhavin	……	ahuvin	abhavamhase	……	ahuvamhase⁸⁶

PRESENT PERFECT.

Parassapada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	abhavi	àsi	ahu, ahosi	abhavinsu	àsinsu, àsun	ahavun, ahesun
2	obhavo	ási	ahosi	abhavattha	àsittha	ahosittha
1	abhavin	ásin	ahosin, ahun	abhavamhà	àsimha	ahosimha, ahumha

Attanopada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	abhavà	……	……	abhavû	……	……
2	abhavase	……	……	abhavavhan	……	……
1	abhava	……	……	abhavamhe	……	……

INDEFINITE PAST.

Parassapada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	babhûva	……	……	babhûvu	……	……
2	babhûve	……	……	babhûvittha	……	……
1	babhûva	……	……	babhûvamha	……	……

Attanopada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	babhùvittha	……	……	babhûvive	……	……
2	babhùvittho	……	……	babhùvivho	……	……
1	babhùvi	……	……	babhùvimhe	……	……

FUTURE TENSE.

Parassapada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	bhavissati	……	heti, hehiti, hohiti, hessati, hehissati, hohissati⁸⁷	bhavissanti	……	henti, hehinti, hohinti, hessanti, hehissanti, hohissanti
2	bhavissasi	……	hesi, hehisi, hohisi, hessasi, hehissasi, hohissasi	bhavissatha	……	hetha, hehitha, hohitha, hessatha, hehissatha, hohissatha
1	bhavissàmi	……	hemi, hehàmi, hohàmi, hessàmi, hehissàmi, hohissàmi	bhavissàma	……	hema, hehàma, hohàma, hessàma, hehissàma, hohissàma

Attonopada

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	bhavissate	……	……	bhivissante	……	……
2	bhavissase	……	……	bhavissavhe	……	……
1	bhavissan	……	……	bhavissàmhe	……	……

THE IMPERATIVE.

Parassapada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	bhavatu	atthu	hotu	bhavantu	santu	hontu
2	bhavàhi	àbi	hohi	bhavatha	attha	hotha
1	bhavàmi	asmi	homi	bhavàma	asma	homa

Attanopada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	bhavatan	……	……	bhavantan	……	……
2	bhavassu	……	……	bhavavho	……	……
1	bhave	……	……	bhavàmase	……	……

THE POTENTIAL.

Parassapada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	bhave, bhaveyya	siyà, assa	heyya	bhaveyyun	siyun, assu	heyyun
2	bhaveyyàsi	assa	heyyàsi	bhaveyyàtha	assatha	heyyàtha
1	bhaveyyàmi	assan	heyyàmi	bhàyeyyàma	assàma	heyyàma, heyyan

Attanopada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	bhavetha	……	……	bhaveran	……	……
2	bhavetho	……	……	bhaveyyavho	……	……
1	bhaveyyam	……	……	bhaveyyàmhe	……	……

For the forms of hû in the Potential, the Rûpasiddhi gives the above; but we have not met with any of them in the text books of Buddhism. We have, however, found a different form huveyya in Mahà Vagga lib i., ‘huveyya pàvuso.’⁸⁸ In accordance with this the other persons should be formed as follows:—

Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
……	……	huveyya	……	……	huveyyun
……	……	huveyyàsi	……	……	huveyyàtha
……	……	huveyàmi	……	……	huveyyàma

THE CONDITIONAL.

Parassapada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	abhavissa	……	ahavissa	abhavissansu	……	ahavissansu
2	abhavisse	……	ahavisse	abhavissatha	……	ahavissatha
1	abhavissam	……	ahavissam	abhavissamha	……	ahavisamha⁸⁹

Attanopada.

	Singular (bhu)	Singular (as)	Singular (hu)	Plural (bhu)	Plural (as)	Plural (hu)
3	abhavissatha	……	……	abhavissante	……	……
2	abhavissase	……	……	abhavissavhe	……	……
1	abhavissam	……	……	abhavissamhe	……	……

PARTICIPLES.

Present.


Decl.	bhavamàna, bhavanta	santa, samàna
Passive.—	bhûyamàna

Past.


Decl.—	bhûta, huto, hutàvi	……	……
Indec.—	hutvà or hutvàna	……	……

Future.


Decl.—	bhàvì	……	……
	bhavissanta	……	……
	bhavissamàna	……	……

From the above differences; and the confused mode in which the Pràkrit Grammarians treat of bhavadi havadi, &c., it may be inferred that they were indebted to little beyond their own observations for the elucidation of the laws of the Pràkrit; and that they consequently mistook a distinct radical for the modified form of another.

The Rev. Henry Ballantine of the American Board in India remarks, with reference to this radical in the Maràthà, “The substantive verb, especially, exhibits the most striking dissimilarity between the Sanskrit and the Maràthà languages. In Maràthà, we have the following forms of the substantive verb.

	Singular 1st per.	Singular 2nd per.	Singular 3rd per.	Plural 1st per.	Plural 2nd per.	Plural 3rd per.
Pr. Ind.	àhe	àhes	àhe	àho	àhà	àhet
Sd. form	hoya	hos	hoya	hwo	hwà	hot
Hindu fm	hù	hai	hai	hai	ho	hai
Im.In.mas	hoto	hotàs	hotà	hoto	hotà	hote

“The root of this verb is evidently ho or he, reminding us of the Hebrew hàvàh or hàyàh.⁹⁰ The Sanskrit root of the substantive verb as, is employed in Maràthà to fill up the deficiencies of the paradigm of the original root; being used in the formation of the present habitual tense, and of the past habitual, and also of the conditional mood, e. g.; asato ‘he is habitually;’ ase ‘he was habitually,’ asalà ‘if he were;’ but these are evidently later introductions, required and employed only when the language had been considerably cultivated.”⁹¹

That hû is a radical distinct from bhû appears not only from the express mention of it, as such (cap, iii § 23.) by Kachchàyana, and other Pàli Grammarians; but also from its existence both in the Indo-European languages and in the Pràkrit.

Although, of the Sanskrit auxiliaries as ‘to be’ bhû ‘to become,’ and kri ‘to do,’ all which exist in the Pali,—the German idioms alone substitute for the third, a verb signifying ‘to do’ [Bopp’s Comp. Gr., p. 843]; and although some of the other European dialects possess the two first, both separately and conjointly [e. g. es Lat. is Teut., esti Gr., ist Germ., is Eng., and be and is Eng. &c.,]; it is, nevertheless, remarkable that in the last we find another form have, which renders the same assistance to the principal verb that be (bhû) and is (‘as’) do. There is, therefore, I conceive, no objection to its (‘have’) being regarded as a verb substantive of that language from whence the Pràkrits and their Indo-European sisters have sprung up. Moreover, the difference between ‘have’ and ‘be’ is simply that which exists between ‘possession’ and ‘existence.’ Possession itself conveys, as the Muràthì honen does, ‘the entrance on the state of existence.’ Dr. Stevenson’s Muràthi Grammar, p. 86. The signification of existence is again not far removed from the idea of possession. The power of the one has clearly grown out of the other. The two auxiliary verbs have and be, which play a most important part in English Syntax, are indeed not more different in signification than the as, bhû and kri, which Sanskrit writers employ both in the Reduplicate Præterite, and in composition with nouns (Wilson’s San. Gr., p. 350.)⁹²

The auxiliary verb which has h for its radical consonant in the Indo-European languages; e. g. habeo Lat., haban Goth., have Eng., is intimately related to hu (va) Pràk., ho (na) Murà.,⁹³ and is therefore clearly traceable to the Pali hû, of which the inflexions, [ve Eng, beo Lat., ban Goth., va Pràk., va Sin.,] are found in the præterite.

Neither Vararuchi nor the other Pràkrit Grammarians seem to have been struck by coincidences such as the following; or, they would not, I apprehend, have traced the Pràkrit hû to bhû:

Pàli.	Pràk.	Mur.	Lat.	Goth.	Eng.
homi	——	hoya	habeo	haba	have
hosi	hosi	hos	habes	habais	hast
hoti	hoi, huvai	hoya	habet	habaip	has
homa		hvo	habemus	habam	have
hotha	——	hvà	habetes	habaip	have
honti	honti, huvant	hot	habent	habant	have

On the supposition, however, that “the simpler the form the older is its origin”, my Pandit is inclined to believe that the Pàli form hû, is even more ancient than its fuller form assumed by the Pràkrit in common with some of her Indo-European sisters; and for this belief confirmatory proof may be found in the fact that the simple Pàli hû is found in the radical elements of such a different class of languages as the Chinese [(s)hee], the Burmese [(s)hi], and the Tavoy dialect [hi.]⁹⁴ Be this however as it may, the existence of hû in some of the European dialects is manifest; and its absence in some others, as in the Sanskrit, furnishes no valid objection to its being regarded as a radical; for we have satisfactory proof that the Sanskrit has not only lost several roots, which are to be found in the Vedas, [e. g. kan, ink, ubj, sav, ven, sach, myaksh, thsar, dhraj, maud, ves, vaksh, turv, bharv, &c.,] but that some primitive radicals had also disappeared from the Vedic Sanskrit.⁹⁵ The absence of hû in the Sanskrit is, moreover, not more surprising than that the Greek, Latin, and the old Slavonic which possess the defective as, have not borrowed the fuller bhû.

In the Grammatical systems of the East, the Verb constitutes the most important as well as the most difficult section. I have, therefore, selected this for translation; and have occasionally added a few notes shewing the relation in which the Pali Verb stands to the Sanskrit, and the Pràkrit. ↩
The vowel or syllable intervening between the base and the Affix in the several conjugational classes in the Pàli. ↩
Certain supernumerary letters which denote the class or conjugation in which the verb is inflected, or intimate the peculiarities to which each single verb is subject in its inflections. ↩
Ajjatanì—See note at the end of this Chapter. As the present tense is more frequently used than the past; so, of the past tenses, the present-perfect (Ajjataní) is of more frequent occurrence in the Pali. It is thence denominated, ‘a wave in the ocean of verbs.’—See Clough’s Bàlavatàra, p. 106. ↩
Lit. Attha vibhàga—‘investigations of sense.’ ↩
The stanza given in the text, as a note to ‘atha,’ is supposed by some to be the interpolation of a Commentator to explain the force of that particle with which this chapter opens. It would also seem that Kàtyàyana has also given a similar explanation—‘Om and atha are both used in the beginning of Chapter, &c.,’ Indische Studien, iv. p. 103. In the words of the Pàli text: ‘atha is used in the beginning of a Chapter, and as a word of benediction, completion, emphasis, and as an inceptive particle.’ ↩
‘Words for another.’ ↩
The words within brackets have been supplied from Commentaries and other sources. ↩
Seshàt kartari parasmaipadan—Pànini, lib. 1, Cap. iii. § 78. ↩
‘Words for one’s self.’ ↩
The two systems of inflection—the first conveying a transitive sense, and the action passing parassa ‘to another;’ and the second bearing a reflexive sense, and the action reverting attano ‘to one’s self’—may be regarded as Voices. Although the Pàli, like the Pràkrit, does not preserve this distinction to the same extent that the modern Sanskrit does; yet the former agrees in this respect with the Vedic-Sanskrit, wherein one Voice is used for another: as, brahmachàrina michchhate (for ti.) ‘He wishes for the religious student.’ In the Pàli the above change is also admissible, and the foregoing sentence equally serves as an example. Again in the àtmanepada the initial ta of a termination is rejected in the Vedas, as dakshinatah saye (sete) ‘He sleeps on his right side.’ So likewise in the Pàli, wherein the last sentence may be thus rendered—dakkhinato saye (sayeyya or sayetha.) See Bàlavatàra, p. 104. ↩
Eastern writers begin with the third person, and therefore call it the pathama or ‘first;’ they treat of the second next, and name it the majjhima or ‘the middle,’ and the first they designate uttama ‘the highest or chief.’ In the above translation, to avoid confusion, I have used the terms ordinarily employed in European systems, viz., the third, second, and first persons. ↩
In Pànini, this same rule is merely adapted to the Sanskrit which has a dual number; thus, Tinas trìni trìni prathama maddhyamottamàh.—Lib. 1. c. 4. § 101. ↩
Here nàma is used as a generic term for a noun of the third person, as opposed to tumha (2 p.) and amha (1 p.) ↩
Vide infra, note to rule 5. ↩
This may be thus explained:—When one verb governs two or more nominatives of different persons, the former takes the [plural] termination proper to the first person; but if there be no nominative of the first person, the verb should be made to agree with the second:—as, 1. So cha tvan ahan pachàma = ‘we cook.’ 2. So cha ahan pachàma = ‘we cook.’ 3. Tvan cha ahan pachàma = ‘we cook.’ 4. So cha tvan pachatha = ‘ye cook.’ This is also the case in the Muràthi. See Dr. Stevenson’s Grammar, p. 140. ↩
Pànini lays down the same rule; but by changing the order of persons from the third to the first, thus;—Yushmadyupapade samànàdhikarane sthàninyapi madhyamah—Lib. 1. Cap. 4 § 105. Asmadyuttamah—ib. § 107. Seshe prathamah § 108. ↩
Tulyàdhikarana—lit. ‘that which has common property, or agrees with one another.’ I have rendered this ‘the Nominative.’ ↩
This Sutta is supposed to exercise an authority over the succeeding Suttàni. ↩
“Since these moods do not comprehend other tenses under them, but are susceptible of all times,—present, past, and future, it can lead to no embarrassment to consider them as tenses.”—William’s S. Gr. p. 56. ↩
This answers to the Imperative and the Benedictive Moods, of the Sanskrit Grammarians. ↩
There is great misapprehension as to the origin of the name Panchamì for the Imperative and Benedictive Moods. The Bàlavatàra says, [Panchamì (Sattamì) tyàyan pubbà chariya saññà] that it is a name given by former teachers. But the Mahà Sadda Nìti, in reference to this passage, says, that the Panchamì is so named after some of the Sanskrit Grammarians, such as the Kàtantra, &c., which place the Imperative as a fifth tense of the verb. In Pànini likewise Let, the Scriptural Imperative, which Professor Bopp says, is confined to the Vedas, and is wanting in the Classic Sanskrit [Comp. Gr. II. p. 951] takes a fifth place in the list of tenses; and, if the appellation of Panchamì has been thence coined, it is reasonable to believe that Sattamì has had a similar origin. But such is not the case, for Lin., the Potential, which is identical with the Pàli Sattamì, occupies an eighth, and not a seventh, place in Pànini’s List. ↩
This is the Potential Mood of the Sanskrit Grammarians. ↩
See Bàlavatàra, p. 104. ↩
Apachchakkha is interpreted to mean that which the senses cannot discern, ‘the unperceived,’ or ‘the indefinite.’ ↩
This aptate answers to the Singhalese la or lu; see my Sidatsangarà, p. 171, § 12. Also my Introduction to Singhalese Grammar, §§ 316-17. ↩
See note at the end of Chapter First. ↩
Kiriyàtipanne = kriyàtipattau. Pànini lib. 3. Cap. 3. § 139. In the Sinhalese Commentary to the Bàlavatàra, this is defined to be ‘the uncertain or the doubtful assertion of an action.’ It may be translated the ‘Conditional.’—See Laghukaumudi, p. 161-2. ↩
i. e., without any distinction of time. ↩
i.e.—The nearest past. ↩
Pànini, III. 4. 113. Sàrvadhàtuka ‘applicable to all the radicals.’ ↩
For the coincidences between the Rules, &c., of this chapter, and those in Pànini; compare Pànini, III. 1. 1—30. ↩
‘Making the noise indicated by chichchita.’ ↩
Gotama mentions Vasittha as a Rishi who composed the Vedas. ↩
Tija, ‘to endure;’ gupa, ‘to conceal;’ kita, ‘to cure;’ and màna, ‘to investigate.’ ↩
To words with these exceptional inflections, the writer of Rùpasiddhi assigns different meanings. In the above translation I have adopted his explanations. ↩
The sign of the Infinitive. ↩
This word is written in all the Pali works Jiginsati, also see Clough’s Bàlàvatàra, p. 111. Qy.—Shonld it not be Jihinsati? ↩
Pànini, III. 1, 11. ↩
Pànini, III. 1, 10. ↩
In the Bàlàvatàra this is explained to be a nominal root which denotes camparison to [dutìyantan nàman] ‘a noun in the second case’ or the Accusative. ↩
i.e.—‘He conforms himself to the duties of religion.’ ↩
See Laghu Kaumudì, p. 297. ↩
Parikkhàra—theologically, the necessaries of life for an ascetic. ↩
Hetu ‘the cause’; but it means here [yo kàreti so hetu] ‘He who does the act—the agent.’ Also see Pànini, 1, 4, 55. Clough’s version of Bàlavatàra throws no light whatever on the subject. He translates pàcheti, ‘He cooks.’ See p. 108 § 149. ↩
See preceding rule. ↩
i.e.—Completes his journey. ↩
This exception so far as our observation extends, is confined to verbs indicating the repetition of an act, or its intensity. See Pànini, VII. 4, 82. ↩
This example is put in to shew the promiscuous use of b and v. ↩
This and the following rules are in reference to the several classes of verbal roots. ↩
Name for the Sanskrit anusvàra. ↩
Some Pali writers use this na short. ↩
Although by the appendix, ‘&c.’ a class is meant; I have not been able to ascertain that such is the case. Some grammarians dispute the correctness of the &c. here; and they limit the rule to gaha. ↩
See ante Cap. 1 § 2 Q. ↩
In the substantive and passive voices, vide ante §§ 9, 10. ↩
See ante § 7. ↩
See Cap. 1 § 1. ↩
Lit.—a root having one single vowel. ↩
Same in Pànini—see vi. 1-4. ↩
Same in Pànini, vii. 4-59. ↩
Or in other words ‘when the abbhàsa is an aspirate, it is changed into a non-aspirate.’ This rule too accords with Pànini; but with a slight verbal difference—See Pànini, viii. 4-54. ↩
In the Pali the v and h change positions in composition. ↩
Whenever the word vanna is mentioned with a short vowel, as in the text (ivanna) the long vowel is included. The Bàlàvatàra says: vannaggahanan sabbattha rassa dìgha sangahanatthan. ↩
By the ‘last’ is meant the inherent vowel: e. g. the u in ju-guchchhati is the last in the abbhàsa. ↩
This is sometimes written addasà. ↩
The Vutti is deficient in explaining the &c. ↩
See Cap. i. § 12. ↩
Gameti, gametu, and gameyya my be also the causatives of the forms given with them within brackets. ↩
It will be seen that these examples do not illustrate the parokkhà. ↩
Even were there no express statement to the effect that this Pali writer had a previous knowledge of Sanskrit Grammar, the above vutti would clearly establish the fact. For obviously the object here was to shew the difference between the Pali and the Sanskrit in which latter ish and gam come under the same rule. See Pànini vii. 3, 77; and Laghu kaumudi, No. 533. ↩
I am not sure whether I have correctly rendered the above note. It is not intelligible. ↩
Eastern Grammarians frequently give the inflected verb in the third person when strictly the root should be given. ↩
See my observations on this radical at the end of Chapter Fourth. ↩
Lassen’s Inst. Pràk. p. 360. ↩
See Clough’s Bàlavatàra, p. 108. ↩
ish = is ‘to desire.’ ↩
Vuddhi is the change or substitution to which the vowels are subject. Thus à for a; e for i and ì; and o for u and ù. ↩
Can this be the causal form? I have not seen this word used in such a sense. ↩
See Pànini, vi. 4, 92. ↩
This note like several others is not intelligible to my mind. By the expression ‘form of kàsa,’ a substitution of sa may be implied; but how an augment can be understood, I do not perceive. Again aññatthàpi ‘in other places’ can according to the text, only refer to terminations other than Ajjatani; yet from the examples given to the note, which are in the Ajjatani tense, it would seem that something else was meant. ↩
In the Dhammapada this word is used to signify ‘abused,’ (see Gogerley’s Trans: in The Friend iv. p. 21.) When it means ‘abused,’ or ‘reviled,’ akkochchhi is derived from kunsa, and not from kudha. ↩
The asabbadhàtuka comprise all the moods and tenses except the sabbadhàtuka, see Cap. i § 26. ↩
This is not very intelligible. ↩
The commentator deduces this from the root ji ‘to conquer.’ ↩
This merely proves the superior culture of the Sanskrit, at this time. ↩
The Attanopada forms of the radical hû, so far as my observation goes, are confined to this Hìyattani Tense. ↩
The forms with ho, such as hohissati; hohissasi, hohissami. &c., are given by the Rev. F. Mason of the Baptist Union, as those of ‘the Second Future Tense.’ See Am. Or. Journal iv., p. 280. But I can find no authority for this. For some of the changes of this verb in the Future Tense, see Rule in cap. iii. § 20. ↩
avuso—a term of address. This is, I believe, not found in the Sanskrit; see my observations thereon in the C. B., A. S. J. for 1856–8., p. 247. ↩
For these forms of hû in the Conditional, I am indebted to the writer of the Rûpasiddhi. ↩
’Some would derive this root from the Sanskrit bhû ‘to be,’ and others from the Sanskrit as, but either of these derivations is far-fetched and unsatisfactory.” ↩
Amer. Oriental Journal, iii., p. 380. ↩
e. g. suklì-karoti=seti-karoti; sukli-bhavatì=seti-bhavati; suklì-syàt=seti-síyà. ↩
“At Cuttack we have hoti, atthi, as in the modern Pali.”—American Oriental Journal, vol. ii., p. 336. ↩
Am. Oriental Journal, vol. iv., p. 279. ↩
See Dr. Muir’s Sanskirt Texts, p. 272. ↩

Kachchāyana's Grammar: Lib. VI, On Verbs

LIB. VI.—ON VERBS.1

CAP: I.

1. Now,6 of the terminations the first six are Parassapada.

2. The last are Attanopada.

3. Each two, the Pathama,12 Majjhima, and Uttama.13

4. In speaking of all by one, the first person.

5. The third person when a nàma, which agrees [with the verb,] is expressed, &.17

6. The second when tumha.

7. The first, when amha.

8. As to time.

9. Vattamànà (are) the present.

10. In commanding and blessing, in undefined20 time, the Panchamì.21

11. The Sattamì, in the sense of assent and inclination.23

12. In the unperceived past, Parokkhà.

13. In the perceived from yesterday, Hìyattanì.

14. In approximate, Ajjatanì.

15. When mà combined, all times, &.

16. In the future, Bhavissantì.

17. Kàlàtipatti in an action past going beyond.

18. The Vattamànà ti, anti; si, tha; mi, ma;—te, ante; se, vhe; e, mhe.

19. The Panchamì tu, antu; hi, tha: mi, ma;—tan, antan; ssu, vho; e, àmase.

20. The Sattamì eyya, eyyun; eyyàsi, eyyàtha; eyyàmi, eyyàma;—etha, eran; etho, eyyavho,; eyyan, eyyàmhe.

21. The Parokkhà; a, u; e, ttha; a, mha;—ttha, re; ttho, vho; i, mhe.

22. The Hìyattanì; à, ù; o, ttha; a, mhà;—ttha, tthun; se, vhan; in, mhase.

23. The Ajjatanì; ì, un; o, ttha; in, mhà;—à, ù; se, vhan; a, mhe.

24. The Bhavissanti; ssati, ssanti; ssasi, ssatha; ssàmi, ssàma;—ssate, ssante; ssase, ssavhe; ssan, ssàmhe.

25. The Kàlàtipatti; ssà, ssansu; sse, ssatha; ssan, ssamhà; ssatha, ssinsu; ssase, ssavhe; ssan, ssàmhase.

26. Hìyattanì, Sattamì, Panchamì, (and) Vattamànà, (are) Sabbadhàtuka.31

NOTES.

CAP: II.

1. At the end of verbal, and nominal roots, Affixes.

2. Kh, chh, s, optionally after tija, gupa, kita, màna.35

3. Also after bhuja ghasa hara supa, &c., in desideratives with tun.37

4. After a nominal root denoting comparison to the nominative, àya in the sense of treatment.

5. And ìya denoting comparison.40

6. After a nominal root implying self-desire.

7. In the sense of the Causal Agent the Causal (affixes) ne naya nàpe nàpayà after the radical.

8. After a crude noun with the sense of a verb, naya, &.

9. Yá in the substantive and passive voices.

10. A substitution of y. v and the letters of the ch. class for it, and the final letter of the radical.

11. Optionally the augment of i class.

12. And assumes the previous letter,

13. And likewise in the active voice.

14. A (after) bhu, &c.50

15. After rudh &c, with a niggahìta51 before, &.

16. Ya after div, &c.

17. And nu, nà,52 and unà, after su, &c.

18. Nà after ki, &c.

19. And ppa and nhà, after gah, &c.

20. O, and yirà after tan, &c.

21. Ne, naya after chur, &c.

22. Attanopada (mark) the action and the object.54

23. Also the agent.

24. Verbal terminations after radicals and affixes.

25. Parassapada, the agent.

26. Bhû, &c., are radicals.

NOTES.

CAP: III.

1. Sometimes the primary letter of a monosyllabic radical58 is reduplicated.

2. The first abbhàsa59

3. Is short.60

4. The second and fourth become first and third.

5. Ch. class for k class.

6. Optionally v. and t. for màna and kita.

7. J for h.

8. Optionally i63 and a for the last.

9. And a niggahìta.

10. After pà and mà, và and man [before the affix] sa.

11. Tittha for thà.

12. Piba for pà.

13. Jà jan and nà for ñà.

14. Optionally passa, dissa, and dakkha for disa.

15. Ch for the final consonant, [when followed by the] affixes chh., &.66

16. And ka, when kha.

17. Gin for hara, when sa.

18. àha and bhùva, for brù and bhù (before) parokkhà.

19. Optionally, before all, chchh. for the final of gami.

20. The a in vach [becomes] o before Ajjatanì.

21. Before hi mi and ma, the a is long.

LIB. VI.—ON VERBS.¹

1. Now,⁶ of the terminations the first six are Parassapada.

3. Each two, the Pathama,¹² Majjhima, and Uttama.¹³

5. The third person when a nàma, which agrees [with the verb,] is expressed, &.¹⁷

10. In commanding and blessing, in undefined²⁰ time, the Panchamì.²¹

11. The Sattamì, in the sense of assent and inclination.²³

26. Hìyattanì, Sattamì, Panchamì, (and) Vattamànà, (are) Sabbadhàtuka.³¹

2. Kh, chh, s, optionally after tija, gupa, kita, màna.³⁵

3. Also after bhuja ghasa hara supa, &c., in desideratives with tun.³⁷

5. And ìya denoting comparison.⁴⁰

14. A (after) bhu, &c.⁵⁰

15. After rudh &c, with a niggahìta⁵¹ before, &.

17. And nu, nà,⁵² and unà, after su, &c.

22. Attanopada (mark) the action and the object.⁵⁴

1. Sometimes the primary letter of a monosyllabic radical⁵⁸ is reduplicated.

2. The first abbhàsa⁵⁹

3. Is short.⁶⁰

8. Optionally i⁶³ and a for the last.

15. Ch for the final consonant, [when followed by the] affixes chh., &.⁶⁶

23. And ssa, in bhavissanti; [when] the vowel in hoti⁷² [becomes] eha, oha, e.

3. Optionally Ghata, &c.⁷⁹