Appendix

Source

James D’Alwis, An Introduction to Kachchāyana’s Grammar of the Pāli Language; with an Introduction, Appendix, Notes, &c., Colombo: Williams and Norgate, 1863. Public domain by age. Reproduced from a scan of the University of California copy, available here as a PDF (15 MB), as a reading edition: the text was recognised from the page images and then proofread against them page by page. The print’s spelling and its accents are kept as printed (long vowels carry a grave accent, Pàli, Kachchàyana, and in places a circumflex; the niggahīta is written n), and so are the author’s capitals and small capitals; quotation marks are normalised to straight quotes, and the italics of Pāli words in the print are not reproduced, except in the Corrections, where an italic letter marks a lingual or a long vowel and is kept. Footnotes are numbered through the book; the print’s symbols (* † ‡ § ‖ ¶) are replaced by these numbers. Sinhalese characters are shown as [Sinhalese]. The printed page numbers are kept as hidden comments of the form <!-- p. xvii (PDF p. 21) -->. A word that could not be read is followed by [?].

This page is one part of D’Alwis’s book, reproduced as printed. The front matter and the contents are on the main page.

Note at page xxxii.

Scarcely a century¹ had elapsed from the death of Gotama, when, in the tenth year of Susinàga’s successor, Kàlàsoka, the teachings of Gotama were disregarded in the strongholds of Buddhism, and usages contrary to his doctrines prevailed even amongst the priesthood. The Sovereign himself “extended his protection” to those who deviated from the orthodox doctrines.

It is therefore not surprising that many thousands of priests who had been doubtless much inconvenienced by the rigid rules of discipline in the Buddhist Church, openly introduced certain innovations, of which the following is a condensed account.

The order by which priests were prevented from keeping salt for more than seven days, was construed not to extend to the case where salt was preserved in a horn. The allotted time for their morning meals, was extended to “two inches of shadow” after the meridian sun. The general prohibition against enjoyments was restricted to the Vihàras. Certain ceremonies, which were permitted only in the Uposatha hall, were extended to the monasteries. Consent, which was made the condition precedent upon which certain religious acts could be performed, was considered dispensable, where the act was confirmed after its completion. The doctrines of Buddhism, for which Gotama exacted implicit obedience, were set at naught upon the example of preceptors, or the authority of the fathers of the Church. Substantial food, which was forbidden after mid day, was thought not to extend to whey, “a component part of milk.” Fermented liquor, the drinking whereof was totally prohibited, did not in their opinion include toddy, resembling water. Costly coverlets, against the use of which Gotama laid his Canon, were considered to comprise only fringed cloth. All precious metals, which they were inhibited from receiving, were construed to mean all metals besides gold and silver.² Such were the innovations of a body of ten thousand priests which led to the Dùtìya Sangìtì or second Convocation.

1.—Uddhamman ubbinayancha
Apagatan Satthu Sàsane;
Atthan dammancha bhinditvà.
Viloman dìpayinsute.

2.—Tesan niggaha natthàya
Bahûbuddhassa sàvakà;
Dvà dasa sata sahassàni
Jina puttà samàgatà.

3.—Etasmin sannipàtasmin
Pàmokkhà attha bhikkhavo;
Satthu kappà mahà nàgà
Durà sadà mahà ganì.

4.—Sabbakàmì cha Sàlho cha
Revato Kujja Sobhito;
Vàsabhagàmi Sumano
Sàna vàsecha Sambhuto;

5.—Yaso Kàkanda puttocha
Jinan ditthà ime isì;
Pàpànan nigga hatthàya
Vesàliyan samàgatà;

6.—Vàsabhagàmì cha Sumano
Anuruddhassànu vattakà;
Avasesà ànandassa
Dittha pubbà tathàgatan.

7.—Susunàgassa putto
Asoko àsi mahìpatì;
Pàtaliputta nagaramhi
Rajjan kàresi khattiyo.

8.—Tancha pakkhan labhitvàna
Attha therà mahiddhikà;
Dasavatthunan ninditvà
Pàpe nimmaddayinsute.

9.—Niddha metvà pàpa bhikkhû
Madditvà vàda pàpakan;
Saka vàda sodhanatthàya
Attha therà mahiddhikà.

10.—Arahantànan satta satan
Uchchinitvàna bhikkhavo;
Varan varan gahetvàna
Akansu dhamma sangahan.

11.—Kùtàgàra sàlàyan
Vesàliyan puruttame;
Attha màsehi nitthàsì
Dutìyo sangaho ayan.

’They (the sinful priests) made a melange by departing from the sense and phraseology of the dhamma and Vinaya, the doctrines of Buddhà.(1)

’With a view (therefore), to degrade them, many priests, disciples of Buddha, (in all) twelve hundred thousand, assembled together.(2) In this congregation there were eight preeminent principal bhikkhus, who had a large retinue, who were (unapproachable, i. e.) without their equals, and not inferior to Buddha (himself; viz.)(3) Sabbakàmi, Sàlha, Revata, Kujjasobhita, Vàsabhagàmi, Sumana, Sambhûta of Sàna,(4) and Yasa, son of Kakanda, all who had seen Buddha. They assembled at Vesàli with a view to reproach the sinful priests.(5)

’Vàsabhagàmi and Sumana were the disciples of Anuruddha, and the rest of Ananda. They had all seen Buddà.(6)

’[At this time] Asoka, the son of Susinàga, a Khattiya prince, reigned in Pàtaliputta.(7)

’The (abovenamed) eight pre-eminent theras, having gained (this prince) to their side, censured the ten indulgences, and (oppressed) inflicted pains and penalties on the sinful innovators.(8) Having (thus) overcome the sinful bhikkhus, and suppressed their heresies; these illustrious eight priests, with the object of purifying their own discourses,(9) assembled seven hundred arahats—pre-eminent bhikkhus; and held a Council of dhamma.(10)

’This second Sangìtì was brought to a close in eight months, at the Kùtàgàra Hall, in the renowned city of Vesàli.(11)

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The account given of this convocation in the Tibetan Annals³ does not precisely accord with that in the Mahàvansa. Both the accounts indeed agree as to the number of convocations,—as to their having been holden at three different places,—as to the first having been immediately after the death of Gotama,—and as to the second having been 110⁴ years from the last date. The difference between the two, however, consists in that the Tibetan writers allege the second to have taken place in the reign of the celebrated Asoka of Patàliputta, and the third during the reign of one Kanishka on the North of India, upwards of 400 years A. B.; whereas the Sinhalese version represents that the second occurred in the reign of Kalàsoka, and the third in the 17th year of the reign of Asoka, which would be 325 B. C.

Prof. Max Muller in commenting upon this point,⁵ intimates as his opinion, that the Ceylonese, by a stretch of their imagination, introduced into their history an intermediate Asoka, and an intermediate Council. But there is no solid ground for such a supposition. That a Council was held about the close of the first century of the Buddhist era, is clear enough from all the accounts on the subject; and this could not have been, as stated in the Tibetan Annals, during the reign of Asoka the Great, for the best evidence which History furnishes us, proves that that monarch commenced to reign 325 B. C., or 218 after Buddha. In whose reign, then, was the Second Council held, which sat about a century after Buddha? The Sinhalese affirm that it was in the reign of one ‘Kàlàsoka, son of Susinàga.’ The Vishnu Purâna,⁶ and other Indian traditions, fully support this statement. It is clear indeed, that according to the latter, the king who agrees with the Kàlàsoka of the Ceylonese is called Kàkavarna; but this difference is not a sufficient objection against the correctness of the Ceylonese accounts; since both the names, as is often the case, may stand for the same person: and their identity is, moreover, established by the fact, that both historians agree as to Kàkavarna or Kàlàsoka having been the son of Susinàga.⁷

It appears, therefore, that the authors of the Tibetan version of the scriptures, which were recorded after the Ceylonese, and long after the events to which they relate, mistook Asoka the Great for Asoka, surnamed Kàlàsoka, of whom, perhaps, they had never heard; and, having once thrown the second Council into the reign of the first mentioned Monarch, they had no alternative but to fix the third and posterior Convocation as having taken place during the reign of a subsequent celebrated sovereign. There was indeed much reason to name Kanishka. For, next to Asoka Hushka, Jushka and Kanishka⁸ may be regarded as the only ‘Asiatic princes who were imbued with the virtue of merit, who founded Colleges and Chetiyas, and during whose reign the regions in the North of India were greatly under the spiritual control of Buddhist ascetics preeminent for their rigid piety.’⁹ Perhaps too, the Tibetan account is in this respect correct; and there was, in point of fact, a fourth Council held in the territories of Kanishka, of which the Ceylonese knew nothing, and the Tibetans had but a confused notion of the second and third Sangítis, which they jumbled together, taking the date of the one, and the name of the Sovereign who reigned at the other.

The above supposition derives great support from the fact noticed by Pr. Muller himself,—that ‘the Buddhists of Ceylon did not borrow the outlines of their history either from the Brahmans or from the Buddhists of Magadha;’ and also from the pecularities of language and style which distinguish the Tibetan from the Pali digests of the Sinhalese.

From a paper entitled ‘the Peculiarities of the Gáthà style,’ in the Bengal A. S. Journal,¹⁰ we gather that the Buddhist literature of Nepal, from which the sacred scriptures of Tibet, Tartary, and China have been compiled,¹¹ is in an ugly Sanskrit dialect, destitute of the niceties of the Sanskrit Grammatical forms of declension and conjugation, &c.; that the authors have sacrificed Grammar to the exigencies of metre; that it is in a mixed style of prose and Gàthàs; that it bears a strong resemblance to the Tantras of the 4-7th centuries of the Christian era, and that it appears to be the production of men to whom the task of compilation was assigned without sufficient materials at their disposal. In view of these peculiarities Mons. Burnouf has pronounced the Nepal sacred scriptures to be a barbarous Sanskrit, in which the forms of all ages, Sanskrita, Pali, and Pràkrita, appear to be confounded.¹² Referring to the difference of language of the different parts of the Mahàvaipulya or ‘the highly developed sutras,’ the same distinguished Orientalist remarks, that it indicates in the clearest manner, that there was another digest besides the compilations of the three great ecumenical convocations of the Buddhists, and that in his opinion the Nepal scriptures comprise a fourth digest, which he regards as the crude composition of writers to whom the Sanskrit was no longer familiar, and who endeavoured to write in the learned language they ill understood with the freedom which is imparted by the habitual use of a popular but imperfectly determined dialect. This appears to be exceedingly probable; and, assuming the compilation in the reign of Kanishka to be a fact, there seems to be no reason to doubt, but many circumstances to confirm, the conjecture of Mons. Burnouf—that these sutras were committed to writing out of India in countries on the west of the Indus, or, for example, Cashmir,—countries where the learned language of Brahmanism and Buddhism would be cultivated with less success than in Central India. (p. 105.)

Mons. Burnouf’s critical observations, and the doubts expressed by Babu Rajendralal, demand a few remarks. In the first place it is necessary to know how the discourses of Buddha were originally written—whether altogether in prose or in verse. They are thus described by Buddhagosa:—

’The whole of the foregoing, comprising in it the nine divisions, are, the Sûttan, Geyyan, Weyyàkarana, Gàthà, Udànan, Itivuttakan, Jàtakan, Abbhûtadhamma and the Wedattan.

’The Sûttan, be it understood, contains, the two Vibhangà and (two) Niddesà, the Khandaka and Parivàra, and in the Suttanipàta, the Mangala suttan; Ratana suttan, Nàlaka suttan as well as the Tuwataka suttan, and all the other discourses of Tathàgata bearing the signification of Suttan.

’Be it understood further, that the Geyyan contains every suttan composed in Gàthà (metre) together with (its prose portions.) The whole of the Sanguttaka consists throughout of that description (of composition being Gàthà together with prose.)

’The Weyyàkarana, be it understood, consists of the whole of Abhidhamma Pitaka, the Suttantà not composed in Gàthà, and the words of Buddha which are not classified under any of the other eight Angàni.

’Be it known the Gàthà consists of the Dhammapadàni Theragàthà, Therigàthà, and those unmixed (detached) Gàthà not comprehended in any of the above named Suttantà.

’The Udànan, be it known, consists of the eighty two Sûttantà, delivered (by Buddha) in the form of hymns of joyous inspiration.

’The Itiwuttakan, be it understood, comprises the one hundred and ten suttantà which commence with the words, ‘It was thus said by Bhagavà.’

’The Jàtakan, be it understood, comprises the five hundred and fifty Jàtakas (incarnations of Buddha) commencing with the Appanakajàtakan.

‘The Abbhûtadhamma, be it understood, comprises all the Sûttantà, containing the miracles and wonders, commencing with such expressions as bhikkhus. These miraculous and wondrous dhammá (powers) are vouchsafed to Ananda.’

‘The Vedattan, be it understood, consists of the Chûlavedattan, the Mahàwedattan, the Sammàdhitthi, the Sakkapanhà the Sankhàrabhajuniyà the Màhàpunnáman, as well as the whole of those Suttantà which have conferred wisdom and joy on those who heard them.’¹³

The foregoing extract shews that the sacred compilation of the Buddhists, like the compositions of the Brahmanical Sûtra period, which is indeed identical with the date of the Buddhist writings, was partly in prose and partly in Gàthá or verse; and that some of the suttans are in Gâthâ (metre) together with prose. This is a peculiarity in eastern compositions, especially the Pali, to which I wish to invite attention here. Of this the fifth chapter of the Attanagaluwansa presents a complete illustration. Where, indeed, poetry is immediately followed by prose, the latter is intended to express something more than the writer has been enabled to do in verse, owing to the restraints of versification. Again, from the nature of the subjects which are treated of in Gàthàs, it would also seem that poetry was selected for ‘joyous hymns,’ and also with a view to create a better impression of certain matters than of others, or to render their study easier. This alone, therefore, furnishes no argument against the genuineness of the Nepal works. But the various other traits to which Mons. Burnouf refers, taken in connection with the following extracts from the Dìpàvansa, satisfactorily explain away the difficulties raised by Babu Rajendralal, whilst at the same time they conclusively prove the correctness of the conjecture that the Nepal collection owes its origin to another digest of the Buddhist literature besides those of the three Convocations, or in the words Pr. Benfey, ‘it consists of merely translations from Buddhist sources, which were originally composed in Pali.’¹⁴ The Dipàvansa says:—

1.—Nikkaddhità pàpa bhikkhù
Therehi Vajji puttakà;
Aññan pakkhan labhitvàna
Adhammavàdi bahù janà;

2.—Dasa sahassà samàgantvà
Akansu dhamma sangahan.
Tasmàyan dhamma sangítì
Mahà sangìtì vuchchatì.

3.—Mahà sangìtikà bhikkhû
Viloman akansu sàsanan;
Bhinditvà mûla sangahan
Aññan akansu sangahan.

4.—Aññattha sangahìtan suttan
Aññattha akarinsute—
Atthan dhammañcha bhindinsù
Nikàyesu cha panchasù.

5.—Pariyàyadesi tan vàpì
Attho nippariyàya desitan;
Nìtatthancheva neyyatthan
Ajànitvàna bhikkhavo.

6.—Aññan sandhàya bhanitan
Aññattha thapayinsute;
Vyanjana chhàyàya te bhikkhú
Bahun atthan vinàsayun.

7.—Chhaddetvà eka desancha
Suttan vinaya gambìran;
Patirúpan sutta vinayan
Tantin cha akarinsute.

8.—Parivàran atthuddhàran
Abhidhamman chhappakaranan;
Patisambhidancha niddesan
Eka desancha Játakan
Etta kan vissajitvàna
Aññan na akarinsute.

9.—Nàma linga parikkhàran
’Akappakaranànicha;
Pakatibhàvan vijahitvà
Tañcha aññan akansute.

10.—Pubbangamà bhinnavàdà
Mahà sangítí kàrakà;
Tesancha anukàrena
Bhinna vàdà bahû ahû.

11.—Tato apara kàlamhì
Tasmin bhedo ajàyatha;
Gokuliko Ekabbohàrì
Dvidhà bhijjittha bhikkhavo

12.—Gokulikànan dveva bhedà
Apara kàlamhi jàyatha;
Bahussutikà cha Paññattì
Dvidhà bhijjittha bhikkhavo.

13.—Chetiyàcha puna vàdì
Mahà sangìti bhedakà;
Pancha vàdà ime sabbe
Mahà sangìti múlakà.

14.—Atthan dhammancha bhindinsu
Eka desancha sangahan;
Ganthancha eka desanhì
Chhaddetvaññan akansute.

15.—Nàmalingan parikkhàran
’Akappakaranànicha;
Pakatibhàvan vijahitvà
Tancha aññan akansute.

16.—Visuddha thera vàdamhì
Puna bhedo ajàyatha;
Mahinsàsakà Vajjiputtà
Dvidhà bhijjittha bhikkhavo.

17.—Vajjiputtaka vàdamhì
Chatudhà bhedo ajàyatha;
Dhammuttarikà Bhadrayànì
Chànnàgàrikàcha Sammitì.

18.—Mahinsakànan dve bhedà
Apara kàlamhi jàyatha;
Sabbatthi vàdà Dhammaguttà
Dvidhà bhijjittha bhikkhavo.

19.—Sabbatthivàda Kassapikà
Kassapikenapi Sankantikà;
Sankantito Suttavàdì
Anupubbena bhijjatha.

20.—Ime ekà dasa vàdà
Pabhinnà thera vàdato,
Atthandhammancha bhindinsu
Eka desancha sangahan;
Ganthan cha eka desamhi
Chhaddetvàna akansute.

21.—Nàmalingan parikkhàran
’Akappakaranà nicha;
Pakatibhàvan vijahetvà
Tañcha aññan akansute.¹⁵

22.—Sattarasa bhinnavàdà
Eko vàdo abhinnako;
Sabbe vatthà dasa hontì
Bhinnavàdena tesaha.

23.—Nigrodhova mahà rukkho
Therovàdàna muttamo,
Anùnà’n adhikancheva
Kevalan Jina sàsanan;
Kantakà viya rukkhamhì
Nibbuttà vàda sesakà.

24.—Pathame vassa sate natthì
Dutìye vassa satantare;
Bhinnà sattarasa vàdà
Uppannà Jina Sàsane.

’Many individuals (viz.) ten thousand sinful Vajjian¹⁶ bhikkhûs who had been expelled by the theras, assembled together; and, having formed another party, held a council of Dhamma. This is thence called Mahà Sangìti.

’The bhikkhus who held the Mahà Sangìtì reduced the religion into confusion,¹⁷ set aside¹⁸ the first compilation,¹⁹ and made another.²⁰ They placed in different places the Suttans which occurred in different other places, and distorted the sense and the words²¹ of the five nikàya. They did so, ignorant of (the difference between) the general discourses, and those (delivered) on particular occasions, and also (between) their natural and implied significations. They expressed²² in a different sense that which was otherwise declared, and set aside various significations under the unwarranted authority (shadow of) words.²³ They omitted one portion of the Suttan, and Vinaya of deep import, and substituted²⁴ (their own) version²⁵ of them and the text.²⁶ They left out the Parivàran annotations,²⁷ six books²⁸ of the Abhidhamma, the Patisambhidà, the Niddesa, and a portion of the Jàtakas²⁹ without replacing any thing in their stead. They, moreover, disregarded³⁰ the nature of nouns, their gender, and (other) accidents,³¹ as well as the (various) requirements of style,³² and corrupted the same by different forms.

’The originators of the Mahà Sangìti were the first seceders. Many followed their example. Since then, there was a breach in that association and the Priests were divided into two sections—the Gokulika and Ekabbohàri. Subsequently the Gokulikas branched off into two others, viz., Bahusutikà and Paññati. Subsequently still, there arose a schism (called) the Chetiya. Then there were altogether five schisms which had sprung up from the Mahà Sangìti—the same which was the first (being a sixth).

’These heretics (also) distorted the sense and the phraseology (of the scriptures); omitted a portion of the (original) compilation, and of the gàthàs, and substituted others (in lieu of them). They (further) disregarded the nature of nouns, their gender, and other accidents, as well as the various requisites of style, and corrupted the same by different substitutions.³³

’In the doctrines of the orthodox priests there was again a breach (which resulted in the establishment) of two sects called the Mahìnsaka and Vajjiputtà. From the latter arose four sects, called Dhammuttarikà, Bhadrayàni, Channàgàrika, and Sammiti. Afterwards, two (more) schisms, the Sabbatthivàda and Dhammagutta arose out of the Mahìnsaka; and from the Sabbattikà gradually sprung up the Kassapikà, and from the latter the Sankantika, and from it the Sattavàdì schism. These eleven emanated from the orthodox party.

’They (likewise) made a compilation by distorting the sense, and the phraseology of the sacred discourses; and by omitting a portion of the text and of the gàthàs. They too disregarded the forms of nouns, their gender, and other accidents, as well as the various requirements of style, and corrupted the same by different substitutions.

’The schisms of the seceders were (thus) seventeen, the vàda³⁴ of those who had not seceded, was one; and with it there were altogether eighteen sects.

’Like the great Nigrodha (among) trees, the orthodox discourses alone are supreme among doctrines; and they are moreover the pure (very) word of Buddhà, without retrenchment or addition. The doctrines which have arisen from it are like the thorns of a tree.

‘There were no (heresies) in the first century (anno Buddhæ) but in the second, seventeen sprung up in the religion of Buddha.’

Whilst the above passage clearly indicates that there were several codes, different from the orthodox version of the sacred writings, which were authenticated at three different convocations; and that the Nepal version is one of those codes; it would also seem that the compilation in question was made,—not in the Tantra period above referred to—not in the age of Kanishka, but—in the early part of the second century of the Buddhist era.³⁵ The difference of style is, however, to be accounted for; and it is easily done. The Nepal version is by one century later than the orthodox version; but it is not stated where the unauthorized council of the heretics was held. Those who originated it being priests, who were ‘expelled’ and ‘degraded,’ it may be reasonably inferred that they went out of the Vajjian country, which was a part of the Magadha kingdom subject to the Lichchavi princes, and held their Sangìti in a distant country, (as it would seem from the writings themselves,³⁶) then subject to the influence of the Brahmans; and M. Burnouf himself, who has examined a portion of the Pali Digha Nikàya and its parallel passage in the Nepal scriptures, thinks, that ’it is quite possible that these two versions may have been nearly contemporaneous in India, and have been current there from the earliest period of Buddhism, before the events occurred which transported them to Ceylon. The Pali version (he adds) would be popular among the inferior castes and the bulk of the people of Magadha and Oude, while the Sanskrit version was used by the Brahmans.³⁷

The Vajjian code was not, therefore, as it was once supposed by M. Burnouf, ‘the work of a period when Buddhism ceased to flourish in Hindustan;’ and, from the facts stated in the Dìpàvansa, it may fairly be concluded that the anomalies in composition were the result of ignorance, and ‘the consequence of haste and inattention,’ of Sanskrit and Pali speaking men, who had not a sufficient acquaintance with either for the purposes of compilation, and who therefore amplified the Pali gàthàs with a Sanskrit paraphrase. It may thence also be inferred, that the code which they then compiled was the basis of the subsequent compilation in the reign of Kanishka, which has since travelled into Nepal, and from thence into Tibet and China. This appears very clear to my mind, from the circumstance that the third Indian compilation of the third century is altogether ignored in the Tibetan writings. For, if it went to Nepal directly after its authentication in the reign of Kàlasoka, the Nepalese could not make a mistake as to the name of the Sovereign; and, if it was taken upon the termination of the third Convocation, in the reign of Asoka the Great, they were not likely to commit an error as to date. And again, if the former were the case, the Nepalese were not likely to know any thing of the Cashmirian code, and could not, on the other hand, fail to know of the Convocation in the reign of Asoka. In other words, the facts of the Nepalese, at no great distance from Hindustan, only recognizing the two Sangìtìs, which were held up to the time of the compilation of the heretics, as recorded in the Dìpàwansa; of their altogether omitting that which took place in the reign of the subsequent Asoka in Central India; and of their recording a fourth (as the third) which took place in the west of India;—taken in connection with the philological peculiarities already noticed, lead to the inference that the Nepalese did not receive their version until after it had left Hindustan, between the first and fourth centuries, and had travelled on to Cashmire in the reign of Kanishka, when the orthodox doctrines were partly lost, and partly mutilated in Central India.³⁸

The inferences contained in the preceding notes are not altogether without confirmatory proof. The Chinese traveller Hiouenthsang mentions “eighteen sects;” and it is important to bear in mind that one of them is called Sarvästivadas, which is clearly the Sabbattavàda of the Pali Dìpàvansa. The language of the Buddhists, which is called the Fan, is the Brahmanical language (the Sanskrit) and not the Màgadhì, which we call the Pali. For apart from other evidence, such as the existence of a dual number in the language here spoken of, the same word Fan is used to designate Brahmà. The god Fan (Brahma) and the king of heaven (Indra) estabblished rules and conformed to the times. “Le dieu Fan (Brahma) et le roi du ciel (Indra) établirent des règles et se conformèrent au temps.”³⁹ Although the Chinese have confounded Dharmàsoka with Kalàsoka, yet the time too at which these sectarians flourished, was about the period indicated in the Pali annals, viz., three hundred years after the death of Gotama, when a Kàtyàyana of Sarvastivàda sect is said to have composed a work Abhidharma jñàna Prasthàna.

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As an exercise for the student, and in support of the facts advanced at p. xxvii., the following extracts are here presented:

1. MAHA VAGGA.

Tena khopana samayena añña-taro puriso chorikan katvà palàyitvà bhikkhusu pabbajito hoti. Socha ante pure likhito hotì—‘yattha passitabbo tattha hantabbo’ ti. Manussà passitvà evam’ahansu—’ayan so likhitako choro handa nan hanàmà—ti. ’Ekachche evam’àhansu—“màyyà evan avachuttha; anuññàtan raññà Màgadhena sàniyena Bimbisàrena, ‘ye samanesu Sàkyaputtiyesu pabbajanti na te labbhà kinchi kàtun; Svàkkhàto dhammo, charantu brahmachariyan sammà dukkhassa anta kiriyàyà’”—tì. Manussà ujjhàyanti khìyante vipàchenti—‘Abhayuvarà ime samanà Sàkya-puttikà nayime labbhà kinchi kàtun, kathan hi nàma likhita choran pabbàjessantì’—ti. Bhagavato etam’ attan àrochesun—‘Na bhikkhave likhita choro pabbaje tabbo; yo pabbàjeyya àpatti dukkatassa.’

’At that time a certain person having committed theft, fled, and became a recluse amongst the priests. It was written⁴⁰ of him at the Royal precincts—‘that he shall be punished wherever found.’ People who saw him said (to each other) thus—‘This is that (recorded) proclaimed thief,—let us therefore kill him.’ Some said, “Sirs, say not so; it has been decreed by the powerful Bimbisàra king of Magadha,—’If any person be ordained amongst the priests of the Sàkya fraternity, he shall be exempt from all acts (of punishment). (For) the dhamma has been well defined by Gotama: (wherefore) let them, with a view to the total extinction of trouble pursue (unmolested) the duties incumbent on Religious students.” People thence began to enlarge (upon the subject) and speak contemptuously and disparagingly (of the priesthood, saying)—’These Priests of the Sakya fraternity are fearless—they are exempt from the infliction (of punishment.) But, how is it that they admit into the priesthood a (recorded) proclaimed thief! This, they (the priests) reported to Bhagavà, (who thereupon decreed:) ’Priests no (likhita) proclaimed thief shall be admitted into the Priesthood: if any should do so, he shall commit dukkata or an offence.

II. PAPANCHA SUDANI.

(vol. iii. p. 482.)

Majjhima dese kira Ràjagaha nagare Bimbisàre rajjan-kàrente pachchante Takkasilà nagare Pukkusàti rajjan kàresi. Atha Takkasilàto bhandan gahetvà vànijà Ràjagahan àgatà, pannàkàran gahetvà ràjànan addasansu; ràjà te vanditvà thite ’kattha vàsino tumhe’ti puchchhi ’Takkasilà vàsino devà’ti—’Atha te ràjà janapadassa khemasubhikkhatàdìni nagarassa cha pavattin puchchhitvà ‘ko nàma tumhàkan ràjà’ti puchchi’—’Pukkusàti nàma devà’ti—’Dhammiko’ti? àma deva dhammiko chatuhi sangahavatthùhi janan sanganhàti, lokassa màtà-pitutthàne thito, anke nipanna dàrakan viya janan tosetì-ti. ‘Katarasmin vaye vattatìti?’—Athassa vayan àchikkhinsu. Bimbisàrena sama vayo jàto. Atha te ràjà àha ‘tàtà tumhàkan ràjà dhammikocha vayenacha me samàno sakkuneyyàtha tumhàkan ràjànan mama mittan kàtun’ti;’ ‘sakkoma devà-ti.’ Ràjà tesan sunkan vissajjetvà gehan dàpetva ’gachchhatha bhandan vikkinitvà gamanakàle man disvà gachchheyyàthà’ti àha. Tathà katvà gamanakàle ràjànan addasansu; ràjà “gachchhatha tumhàkan ràjànan mama vachanena punappuna àrogyan puchchhitvà ’ràjà tumhehi saddhin mittabhàvan ichchhatì’ti vadathàti àha. Te sàdhùti patisunitvà gantvà bhandan patisàmetvà bhuttapàtaràsà ràjànan upasankamitvà vandinsu. Ràjà ’kahan bhane⁴¹ tumhe ime divase nadissathà’ti puchchi; te sabban pavattin àrochesun Ràjà ’sàdhu tàtà tumhe nissàya mayà majjhima dese ràjà mitto laddhoti attamano ahosi.

Aparabhàge Ràjagaha vàsinopi vànijà Takkasilan agamansu. Te pannàkàran gahetvà àgate Pukkusàti ràjà kuto àgatatthàti puchchhitvà Ràjagahatoti sutvà ’mayhan sahàyassa nagarato àgatà tumhe’ti. àma devàti; ’arogyan me sahàyassà’ti; àrogyan puchchitvà ’ajja patthàya mayhan sahayassa nagarato janghasatthena và sakata satthena và vànijà àgachchhanti sabbesan mama visayan pavittha kàlato patthàya vasanatthànesu gehàni ràja kotthàgàrato nivàpan dentu sunkan vissajjentu kinchi upaddavan mà karontù’ti bherincharàpesi. Bimbisàropi attano nagare tatheva bherincharàpesi. Atha Bimbisàro Pukkusàtissa pannan⁴² pahini, ’Pachchanta dese nàma mani muttàdìni ratanàni uppajjanti, yan mayhan sahayassa rajje dassanìyan và ratanan uppajjati tattha me màmachchharàyatù’ti, Pukkusàtìpi ’Majjhima deso nàma mahà jana pado yan tattha eva rùpan ratanan uppajjati tattha me sahàyo mà machchharàyatù’ti pannan pahini. ’Evan te gachchhante kàle añña maññan adisvà dalha mittà ahesun. Evan tesan kathikan katvà vasantànanva pathama taran Pukkusàtissa pannàkàro uppajji,—ràjà kira attha pancha vanne anaggha kambale labhi, so ’atisundarà ime kambalà sahàyassa me pesissàmì’ti làkhàgulamatte attha karandake likhàpetvà tesu te kambale pakkhipitvà làkhàya vattàpetvà, setavatthena vethetvà samugge pakkhipitvà vatthena vethetvà ràja muddikàya lanchhetvà ’mayhan sahàyassa dethà’ti amachche pesesi. Sàsanancha adàsi, ’ayan pannàkàro nagaramajjhe amachchàdi parivutena datthabbo’ti. Te gantvà Bimbisàrassa adansu; so sàsanan sutvà amachchàdayo sannipatantùti bherin charàpetvà; nagara majjhe amachchàdi parivuto setachchhattena dhàriyamànena pallanka vare nisinno lanchhan bhinditvà vatthan apanetvà samuggan vivaritvà anto bhandikan munchitvà làkhàgule disvà, ’mayhan sahàyo Pukkusàti ùna vittako me sahàyoti maññamàno maññe iman pannàkàran pahinì’ti: ekangulan gahetvà hatthena vattetvà tulayanto anto dussa bhandan atthìti aññàsi. Atha nan pallankapàde paharì. Tàvadeva làkhà paripatì; so nakhena karandakan vivaritvà anto kambala ratanan disvà itarepi vivaràpesi: sabbesu kambalà ahesun. Atha ne pasàràpesi, te vanna sampannà phassa sampannà dìghato solasa hatthà tiriyan attha hatthà ahesun. Mahà jano disvà anguliyo phothesi chelukkhepan akàsi ’amhàkan rañño adittha sahàyo Pukkusàti adisvàva eva rùpan pannàkàran pesesi;—Yuttan eva rùpan mittan kàtun’ti attamano ahosi. Ràjà eka mekan kambalan agghàpesi, sabbe anagghà ahesun. Tesu chattàro sammà sambuddhassa pesitvà chattàro attano ghare akàsi. Tato chintesi pachchhà pesentena pathaman pesita pannàkàrato atirekan pesitun vattati; sahàyena cha me anaggho pannàkàro pesito, kinnukho pesemìti kinpana Ràjagahe tato adhikan ratanan natthì’ti. No natthi, mahà puñño ràjà api kho panassa sotàpanna kàlato patthàya thapetvà tìni ratanàni aññan ratanan somanassan janetun samatthan nàma natthì. So ratanan vichinitun àraddho. Ratanan nàma saviññànakan aviññànakanti duvidhan tattha aviññànakan suvanna rajatàdi saviññànakan indriya baddhan. Aviññànakan saviññànakasseva alankàràdi vasena paribhogan hoti, iti imesu dvìsu ratanesu saviññànakan setthan. Saviññànakampi duvidhan tirachchhàna gata ratanan manussa ratananti, tattha tirachchhàna gatan hatthi assàdi tampi manussànan upabhogattha meva nibbattati. Iti imesu dvìsu manussaratanan setthan. Manussa ratanampi duvidhan, itthi ratanan purisa ratananti, tattha chakkavatti rañño uppanna itthi ratanampi purisasseva upabhoggan; iti imesu dvìsu purisa ratana meva setthan. Purisa ratanampi duvidhan, agàriya ratanan anagàriya ratanancha; tattha agàriya ratane apichakkavatti ràjà ajjapabbajita sàmaneran panchapatitthitena vandati, iti imesu dvìsu anagàriya ratanam’eva setthan. Anagàriya ratanampi duvidhan sekha ratanan asekha ratanancha, tattha sata sahassampi sekhànan asekhassa padesan napàpunàti iti imesu dvìsu asekharatana’meva setthan. Tampi duvidhan Buddha ratanan sàvaka ratananti; tattha sata sahassampi sàvaka ratanànan Buddha ratanassa padesan napàpunàti, iti imesu dvìsu Buddha ratana meva setthan. Buddha ratanampi duvidhan, pachcheka buddha ratanan sabbaññu buddha ratananti: tattha sata sahassampi pachcheka buddhànan sabbaññu buddhassa padesan na pàpunàti, iti imesu dvìsu sabbaññu buddha ratanan yeva setthan. Sadeva kasmin hi loke buddha ratana saman ratanan nàma natthi, tasmà asadisameva ratanan mayhan sahàyassa pesessàmìti chintetvà Takkasila vàsino puchchi, ‘tàtà tumhàkan janapade buddho dhammo sangho-ti imàni tìni ratanàni dissantì-ti,’ ’ghosopi so mahà ràja tattha natthi dassanan pana kuto-ti. Sundaran tàtâti, ràjà tuttho chintesi—’Sakkà bhaveyya jana sanga-hatthàya mayhan sahàyassa vasanatthànan sammà sambuddhan pesetun. Buddhà pana pachchantimesu jana padesu na arunan utthapenti, tasmà satthàrà gantun nasakkà, Sàriputta Moggallànàdayo mahà sàvake pesetun sakkà bhaveyya, mayà pana therà pachchante vasantìti sutvàpi manusse pesetvà te attano samìpan ànàpetvà upatthàtu meva yuttan, tasmà therehipi nasakkà gantun; yena pan’àkàrena sàsane pesite satthàcha mahà sàvakàcha gatàviya honti, tenà kàrena sàsanan pahinissàmì’ti chintetvà chaturatan’àyàman vidatthi matta puthulan nàti tanu nàti bahalan suvanna pattan kàràpetvà tattha ajja akkharàni likhissàmìti pàtova sìsan nahàyitvà uposathangàni adhitthàya bhuttapàtaràso apanìta gandha màlàbharano suvanna sarakena jàti hingulakan⁴³ àdàya hetthato patthàya dvàràni pidahanto pàsàdan àruyha disàmukhan sìhapanjaran vivaritvà àkàsa tale nisìditvà suvanna patte akkharàni likhanto: ’Idha Tathàgato loke uppanno arahan sammà sambuddho vijjà charana sampanno sugato loka vidù anuttaro purisa damma sàrathi satthà deva manussànan buddho bhagavà’ti; buddhagune tàva eka pade sena likhi. Tato evan dasa pàramiyo pùretvà Tusita bhavanato chavitvà màtu kuchchhismin patisandhimganhi; evan loka vivaranan ahosi; màtu kuchchhiyan vasamàne idan nàma ahosi; agàra majjhe vasamàne idan nàma; evan mahà bhinikkhamanan nikkhanto; evan mahà padhànan padahi; evan dukkara kàrikan katvà mahà bodhi mandan àruyha aparàjita pallanke nisinno sabbaññuta ñànan pativijjhi; sabbaññutan pativijjhantassa evan loka vivaranan ahosi; sadevake loke aññan eva rùpan ratanan nàma natthì-ti.

Yankinchi vittan idhavà huranvà
Saggesu và yan ratanan panìtan
Nano saman atthi Tathàgatena
Idampi buddhe ratanan panìtan
Etena sachchena suvatthi hotu—

Evan eka desena buddha gune likhitvà, dutiyan dhamma ratanan thomento, ‘svàkkhàto bhagavatà dhammo sanditthiko akàliko ehipassiko opanaiko pachchattan veditabbo viññùhi,’ chattàro satipatthànà chattàro sammappadhànà, chattàro iddhi pàdà panchindriyàni panchabalàni satta bojjhangà ariyo atthangiko maggoti satthàrà desita dhammo nàma evarùpocha eva rùpochàti sattatinsa bodhapakkhiye eka desena likhitvà;

Yam buddha settho parivannayì suchin
Samàdhimà’nan tarikaññamàhu
Samàdhinà tena samù navijjatì
Idampi dhamme ratanan panìtan
Etena sachchena suvatthi hotu—

Evan eka desena dhamma gune likhi. Tato tatiyan sangha ratanan thomento ‘supatipanno bhagavato sàvaka sangho ujupatipanno bhagavato sàvaka sangho ñàyapatipanno bhagavato sàvaka sangho sàmìchipatipanno bhagavato sàvaka sangho yadidan chattàri purisa yugàni attha purisa puggalà esa bhagavato sàvaka sangho àhuneyyo pàhuneyyo dakkhineyyo anjalikaranìyo anuttaran puññakkhettan lokassa,’—kulaputtà nàma satthu dhamma kathan sutvà evan nikkhamitvà pabbajantì, kechi setachchhattan pahàya pabbajanti, kechi uparajjan; kechi senàpatitthànàdìni pahàya pabbajanti, pabbajitvà pana imancha patipattin pùrentìti chulla sìla majjhima sìla mahà sìlàdìni eka desena likhitvà chhadvàra sanvaran satisampajaññan chatupachchayasantosan navavidha senàsanan nìvaranappahàna parikam-majjhànàbhiññà atthuppattin kammatthànàni yàva àsavakkhayà eka desena likhi. Solasakkhattukan ànàpàna sati kammatthànà vitthàreneva likhitvà satthu sàvaka sangho nàma eva rùpehi cha gunehi samannàgato;

Ye puggalà attha satan⁴⁴ pasatthà
Chattàri etàni yugàni hontì
Te dakkhineyyà sugatassa sàvakà
Etesu dinnàni mahapphalàni
Idampi sanghe ratanan panìtan
Etena sachchena suvatthi hotu—

Eka desena sangha gune likhitvà ’bhagavato sàsanan svàkkhàtan nìyyànikan sache mayhan sahàyo sakkoti nikkhamitvà pabbajatù’ti—likhitvà suvanna pattan sanharitvà sukhuma kambalena vethetvà sàra samugge pakkhipitvà tan samuggan suvanna samugge suvannamayan rajatamaye rajatamayan manimaye⁴⁵ manimayan pavàlamaye⁴⁶ pavàlamayan lohitankamaye⁴⁷ lohitankamayan masàragallamaye⁴⁸ masàra gallamayan phalikamaye⁴⁹ phalikamayan dantamaye⁵⁰ dantamayan sabba ratanamaye sabba ratanamayan kilanjamaye kilanjamayan samuggan sàrakarande thapesì. Puna sàrakarandakan suvanna karandake ti purimanayeneva haritvà, sabba ratana maya karandakan kilanjamaye karandake thapesi. Tato kilanjamayan sàramaye pelàyà’ti; puna vuttanayeneva haritvà sabba ratanamayapelan kilanjamayapelàya thapetvà bahi vatthe nivàsetvà ràjamuddikàya lanchhetvà amachche ànàpesi: ’Mama ànà pavattitatthàne maggan alankàràpetha maggo atthùsabha vitthato hotu, chatùsabhatthànan sodhita mattakameva hotu majjhe chatùsabhan ràjànubhàvena patiyàdethàti. Tato mangala hatthin alankàràpetvà tassa upari pallankan paññàpetvà setachchhattan ussàpetvà nagara vìthiyo sitta sammatthà samussitadhaja-patàka-kadali-punna-ghata-gandha-dhùpa-pupphà-dìhi-supari-mandità kàretvà, attano attano visayappadese eva rùpan pùjan karontùti, antara bhogikànan javana dùte pesetvà sayan sabbàkàrena alankaritvà sabba tàlàvachara-sammissa-balakàya-parivuto pannàkàran pesemìti attano visaya pariyantan gantvà amachchassa mukhasàsanan adàsì; ’tàta mayham sahàyo Pukkusàti iman pannàkàran patichchhanto orodhà majjhe apatichchhitvà pàsàdan àruyha patichchhatù’ti. Evan sàsanan datvà pachchanta desan satthà gachchhatìti panchapatitthitena vanditvà nivatti. Antara bhogì teneva niyàmena maggan patiyàdetvà pannàkàran nayinsù. Pukkusàtipi attano rajjasìmato patthàya teneva niyàmena maggan patiàdetva nagaran alankàràpetvà pannàkàrassa pachchuggamanan akàsì. Pannàkàro Takkasilan pàpunanto uposatha-divase pàpuni pannàkàran gahetvà gata amachchopi raññà vutta sàsanan àrochesi ràjà tan sutvà pannàkàrena saddhin àgatànan kattabba-kichchan vichàretvà pannàkàran àdàya pàsàdan àruyha ’mà idha kochi pàvisì’ti dvàra-rakkhan kàretvà sìhapanjaran vivaritvà pannàkàran uchchàsane thapetvà sayan nìchàsane nisinno lanchanan chhinditvà vàsan apanetvà kilanja pelato patthàya anupubbena vivaranto sàramaya samuggan disvà chintesì. ’Mahà parihàro nàyan aññassa ratanassa bhavissatì addhà majjhima dese sotabbayuttakan ratanan uppannan’ti. Athanan samuggan vivaritvà ràja lanchhanan bhinditvà sukhuma-kambalan ubhato viyùhitvà suvanna pattan addasa. So tan pasàritvà ’manàpàni vata akkharàni samasìsàni samapantìni chaturassànìtì àdito patthàya vàchetun àrabhi; tassa idha Tathàgato loke uppannoti buddhagune vàchentassa balava somanassan uppajji. Nava navuti loma kùpa sahassàni uddhaggalomàni ahesun. Attano thitabhàvan và nisinna bhàvan và najànàti: athassa kappakoti-sata-sahassehipi evan dullabha sàsanan sahàyan nissàya sotun labhintì bhìyo balavapìti udapàdì. So upari vàchetun asakkonto yàva pìtivegapassaddhiyà nisìditvà parato ’svàkkhàto bhagavatà dhammo’ti dhamma gune ărabhì. Tatràpissa tatheva ahosi; so puna yàva pìtivegapassaddiyà nisìditvà parato ‘supatipanno-ti’ sangha gune àrabhì. Tatràpissa tatheva ahosi. Atha sabba pariyante ànàpàna satikammatthànan vàchetvà chatukka panchaka jhànàni nibbattesi. So jhàna sukheneva vìtinàmeti añño kochi datthun nalabati, ekova chullupatthàko pavisati evan addhamàsa mattan vìtinàmesi.

’Whilst Bimbisàra was ruling in the city of Ràjaghà in the Majjhimadesa,⁵¹ Pukkusàti was reigning in the city of Takkasilà in the foreign regions. At this time some Traders with merchandize from Takkasilà⁵² entered Ràjagaha, and, taking along with them presents, saw the king. He inquired of those, who stood rendering obeisance—‘of what country are you?’ ‘We, please your Majesty, (replied they) are residents of Takkasilà.’ Thereupon the king, having questioned them on the affairs of (their) city, and the prosperous condition, and the favorableness, of the seasons of the country—asked ‘what is the name of (your) Sovereign?’ ‘Sire, Pukkusàti (is his) name.’ ‘Is he virtuous?’ demanded the king. ‘Yes, your Majesty,’ replied they; ‘he is virtuous—he pleases the people with the four Sanghavatthu,⁵³—occupies the position of a parent⁵⁴ to the world—and, like a suckling on the lap, pleases men.’ ‘What is his age?’ They then stated his age. He was as old as Bimbisàra. Thereupon the king addressed them (and said,) ‘Sons, your king is virtuous (like me), and in age too, he is equal to me; can you make your king a friend of mine?’ ‘We can, Sire,’ replied they; (when) the king remitted their taxes, gave them a house, and said to them ‘Go, and sell your merchandize; and at the time of departure you shall see me.’ When all this had been accomplished, they visited the king at the time of their departure;—and the king said to them, ’Go; and, after repeated inquiry as to the health of your king in my name,⁵⁵ say to him, ‘the king is desirous of your friendship.’ They, (the merchants,) expressed their assent, went their way, arranged their goods, took their morning-meal,⁵⁶ and having approached their king, accosted him. The king said to them, ‘Men, where (were you)? You were not seen for these (many) days.’ They related all the (foregoing) matters; (to the king), when he, greatly delighted, said; ‘Sons, Sàdhu! On your account I have obtained a friend (in the person of) the king of the Majjhima desa.’

Sometime after (some other) traders, who were residents of Ràjagaha, went to Takkasilà. King Pukkusàti, before whom they appeared with offerings, inquired of them from whence they had come; and, when he heard they had come from Ràjagaha, he asked them, ‘Have you come from the capital of my friend?’ ‘Yes, your Majesty,’ replied the traders. ‘Is my friend in health?’ demanded the Prince. Having made that inquiry the king caused to be proclaimed, by beat of drums, that ‘from this day whenever traders come (hither) from the city of my friend, either with caravans of beasts, or caravans of waggons, they shall all be provided with habitations in their respective localities, and with batta from the Royal Stores from the period of their entrance into my kingdom,—that they shall also be exempted from taxes,—and that in no wise shall they be oppressed.’ Bimbisàra also caused a similar proclamation in his own city. Thereafter Bimbisàra sent a leaf⁵⁷ to Pukkusàti to the effect, that ‘precious articles such as gems, pearls, etc., are produced in the Pachchanta⁵⁸ regions. Should there be anything valuable or worth seeing in my friend’s kingdom; withhold it not from me.’ Pukkusàti, in like manner, forwarded a leaf to the effect, that ‘the Majjhimadesa is a great country. If similar precious things are produced in it, my friend (too) should not withhold it from me.’ Thus these (two) for a length of time were intimate friends without seeing each other. Of these, who had (thus) entered into terms, Pukkusàti first came by a (suitable) object for a present, that is to say;—he received eight invaluable blankets of five colours; and, thinking ‘these blankets are beautiful, I shall send them to my friend’—caused eight (round) caskets to be turned, and lackered. Having deposited the blankets therein, (they were) secured round the lid with lacker. They were (then) wrapped in white cloth, and deposited in a chest, which being also covered with cloth, was (stamped) sealed with the king’s signet. (This done) he sent Ministers, saying, ‘Give this to my friend.’ A missive too, was given to the effect, that ‘this present is worthy the (inspection) acceptance of him who is surrounded by Ministers in the midst of the city.’

They (the ministers) accordingly went and delivered it to Bimbisàra, who, having heard (its contents), caused by beat of drum, the ministers, etc., to be assembled. Surrounded by them, and seated on the royal⁵⁹ couch, under the uplifted white state-canopy, in the midst of the capital, he broke the seal, removed the wrapper,⁶⁰ opened the box, and released (untied) its contents; and, when he had seen the round lackered (caskets), he reflected—‘my friend Pukkusàti has sent this present under the impression that his friend was (wealthless) poor.’ He then took up a casket; and, feeling its weight with his hand, ascertained that it contained an article of raiment; he struck it on a pedestal of the couch, when the lacker (with which it had been seamed) dropped down. When he had opened a casket with (his) nail, he saw that it contained a valuable blanket, and caused the others also to be opened. There were blankets in all when spread, they were beautiful in colour, and soft to the touch; and they were sixteen cubits in length, and eight in width.

The multitude, seeing this, snapped their fingers, waived their garments round their heads; and, highly delighted, exclaimed, ‘Pukkusàti, the unseen friend of our king, has sent such a present even without seeing him. Such a personage is indeed worthy of being made a friend.’

The king caused every one of the blankets to be appraised; and they were all found invaluable. Of these he sent four to Buddha, and kept for himself⁶¹ four; and reflected—’One who returns, should send a better gift than the first. An invaluable present has been sent by my friend. What shall I send (him)? What! Is there nothing more valuable in Ràjagaha? Yes, there is.⁶² Though the king is fortunate (in precious things,) yet from the time he entered the path of Sotàpanna⁶³ no precious thing, save the three Ratanas,⁶⁴ was calculated to produce delight (to him.) He (however) commenced to find out some precious thing. A Ratana or precious thing, is two-fold—Saviññàna and Aviññàna.⁶⁵ The latter (comprises such things) as gold, silver, etc.; and the former is that which is associated with the senses. The one (aviññàna), as an (article of) adornment, contributes to the enjoyment of the other, (Saviññàna.) Thus from among these two ratanas, Saviññànaka is chief. Saviññànaka are also two-fold, viz., Brutes and Men. Brutes are (such as) elephants, horses, etc.; and the same exist for the very enjoyment of man. Of these two, therefore, man is the chief ratana. The estimable man is also two-fold; that is to say, male and female. Here too, the female, though born for a universal monarch, is for the enjoyment of the male. Thus of these two also, the very male is the chief. The estimable male is also two-fold—the layman and the recluse. Here again as to the layman, though he be a universal monarch, he makes the five-membered⁶⁶ obeisance to even a Sàmanera of a single day’s standing. Thus, of these two also, the very Recluse is the chief. The estimable Recluse is also two-fold—Sèka and Asèka (viz., he who has entered the paths, and he who has reached the end of the paths). Of these a hundred thousand of the first cannot equal the least part of one of the latter. Thus of these, Asèka is supreme. He is also two-fold—Buddha and Sàvaka.⁶⁷ Of these, a hundred thousand of the Sàvakàs cannot equal the least part (atom) of Buddha. Thus, of these the very Buddha is supreme. The inestimable Buddha is again two-fold—Pachcheka Buddha, and all-perfect Buddha. Here too, a hundred thousand Pachcheka Buddhas cannot equal the least part of the all-perfect Buddha. Thus of these two, the all-perfect Buddha is alone supreme. In the world, including (that of) the devas, there is no estimable object (ratana) equal to Buddha.

Wherefore (the king) resolving, that ‘he would send to his friend this very incomparable ratana,’ asked of the inhabitants of Takkasilà, ‘Sons, are there to be seen in your country the three most inestimable objects, Buddha, Dhamma, and Sangha?’ They replied ‘the very names are not known;⁶⁸ how (therefore) can they be seen?’ Saying, ‘Sons, very good,’ the king with pleasure thus pondered: ‘Is it possible, with a view to the people’s propitiation, to send Buddha to the residence of my friend? But, Buddhas never remain till the dawn, in the most distant foreign countries. Gotama cannot, therefore, go. The great disciples, such as Sàriputta, Moggallàna, etc., cannot be sent: and, since it is my duty, on hearing that priests resided in a foreign country, to send for them hither, and to pay attentions to them; (other) priests also cannot go. Since, however, a missive sent (on the dhamma) is the same as if Buddha and his chief disciples proceeded thither, I shall send a letter.’ Thus pondering, he caused to be made a plate of gold, four cubits long, and about a span wide, and neither very thick, nor very thin. Thinking that he would write the letter that very morning, he went through his bath,⁶⁹ made the Uposatha vows;⁷⁰ took his breakfast, and divested himself of all scents, flowers, and ornaments. Then taking real vermilion into a gold dish, he closed all the doors below, and entered his palace; and, moreover, opening the casements facing the cardinal points, he sat upon the upper-most story,⁷¹ and wrote⁷² on the gold leaf as follows:

“Tathàgata has appeared in this world. He is (Arahan,) a highly sanctified Saint. He is supreme Buddha. He is endowed with both Vijjà and Charana.⁷³ He is (Sugata) one who has attained beatitude. He is fully acquainted with the world. He is the best charioteer (who is able to subjugate) men. He is the teacher of gods and men. He is Buddhà, or perfect intelligence. He is worthy of adoration.’ These attributes of Buddha were first written on a small portion;—and (he then described how) having perfected the ten pàramitàs, or pre-eminent duties, he was born in Tosita, and was conceived in his mother’s womb; how that event contributed to the world’s emancipation;⁷⁴ what happened when he was yet unborn; what took place when he was a householder; how he departed forsaking the world; how he greatly exerted; how, having accomplished difficult acts, and having ascended the region of the Bodhi,⁷⁵ and having sat upon his unconquerable seat, he attained to the wisdom of Omniscience; how (such a result) contributed to the prosperity of the world; and that such another supreme being was not in all the universe, including the heavens—’Yankinchi, &c.

“Whatever wealth, or whatever most desirable object there may be in this life, or in that which is to come, or in the heavens—the same is not to be compared to Tathàgata. This too is a highly distinguishing characteristic of Buddha. By the power of this truth, may there be prosperity!”

Having thus briefly recorded the virtues of Buddha; the inestimable dhamma was secondly lauded as follows—‘The dhamma is well defined by Bhagavà. It is attended with results immediate, and without lapse of time. It is inviting.⁷⁶ It is full of import. It should be acquired individually by the wise.’ This done, a condensed account of the Sattatinsa bodhapakkiya⁷⁷ delivered by Buddha were given to the effect, that they were the four Satipatthànà, the four Sammappadhànà, the four iddhipàdà, the five indriya, the five bala, the seven bojjhangà, and the eight-bodied supreme magga.—“Yam buddha, &c.

‘Is there a pure thing which the supreme Buddha has enlarged upon; (or in other words, is there) any Samàdhi, which has been declared (to be productive of) immediate reward; with that Samàdhi⁷⁸ nothing can be compared. This too, is a distinguishing characteristic of the word.⁷⁹ By the power of this truth, may there be prosperity!’

Thus briefly he wrote the character of dhamma; and then, thirdly, praised the inestimable Sangha as follows: ‘The association of Bhagava’s disciples⁸⁰ are well conducted. They live uprightly, prudently, and peaceably. They are (classed collectively into) four pairs; or eight individuals.⁸¹ They are fit objects of charity, are deserving of hospitality, and are worthy of being offered unto. They (stand) to men (in the place of) a merit-productive-field.’ This done he briefly wrote that respectable people who had heard the discourses of Buddha, departed and embraced ascetism; that some did so after abandoning thrones;⁸²—some after leaving (the high dignity of a) sub-king; and others (that of) General Commander of the Forces; and that when they had so embraced ascetism, they purused the prescribed duties of chulla-sìla, majjhima sìla, and mahà-sìla, etc.⁸³ He also gave a brief account of the (religious observances, commencing from) chhadvàru sanvaran; sati-sampajañña; the four pachchaya santosa; the nine kinds of senàsana; and nìvaranappahàna; together with the (prescribed) kammatthànàni, and the results of parikamma, jhàna, and abhiññà, until the extinction of distress. Having then amplified on the sixteen-fold ànà pàna sati kammatthàna,⁸⁴ he wrote that the Society of Buddha’s disciples were also endowed with virtues like the following:—“Ye putgalà, etc.”

“Are there eight beings who have been praised by the holy, they are four couples, and are the disciples of Buddha, worthy of being offered unto. Whatever is given unto them is productive of much fruit. This too is a distinguishing characteristic of the clergy. By the power of this truth may there be prosperity!”

Having thus briefly stated the virtues of the Sangha, and written to the effect—that ‘the religion of Buddha is well defined—it is very pure. If my friend can, let him abdicate (secular concerns) and embrace ascetism;’—he folded the gold plate, wrapped it with a soft blanket, and put it in a wooden casket. It was again deposited in a gold casket, that in a silver casket, that in a gem-set casket, that in a coral casket, that in a ruby casket, that in an emerald casket, that in a crystal casket, that in a casket made of ivory, that in another made of all sorts of gems, that in another made of mat, and that again in a wooden box. Again, the wooden box was deposited in a gold box, and that [in other boxes] according to the order above indicated, [until you come to] a box set with all sorts of gems—and that in a mat-box. This box was again deposited in a wooden chest, and the same in others in the order above indicated [until you come to] a chest set with all sorts of gems—and that again in a mat-chest. The same being then covered with cloth, and sealed with the signet of the king, he gave [the following] orders to his Ministers: ‘Adorn the path within the limits of my city. Let that path be eight usabha⁸⁵ in width; of which four need only be cleared. But the middle four usabha should be prepared (in a manner) befitting royalty.’

Thereafter (the king) caused his royal elephant to be adorned, and to place a chair upon him, and to set (over it) the white canopy of state. He also caused the streets in the city to be purified (and cleaned) by being sprinkled (with water) and swept;—(lined) with flags and banners, plantain trees, and water vessels;⁸⁶ and (scented) with incense, flowers, &c. He caused running messengers to be sent to the intermediate dwellers⁸⁷ bidding them hold a festival as directed, within the limits of their respective abodes. Being adorned (himself) completely, and escorted by his forces, including the band of musicians, and with a view to the transmission of his gift, the king proceeded to the limits of his city, and addressed his Minister: ‘Son, let not my friend Pukkusàti, in accepting this gift, receive it in the midst of his wives; but let him do so after entering his (own) palace.’ So saying, and making the five-membered⁸⁸ obeisance, under the reflection that Buddha (himself) proceeded to the foreign regions, the king returned home. The intermediate dwellers prepared the way as they were bidden, and caused the progressive conveyance of the gift.

Pukkusàti observing the same formalities (which were above described) prepared the way from the limits of his rule, decorated the city, and went to meet the gift. The same reached Takkasilà on the day of Upòsatha.⁸⁹ The minister, who was the bearer of the present, delivered the king’s message. When the king had heard it he paid the necessary attentions to those who accompanied the present, ascended the palace with it, and placed a sentry at the door with orders that none should enter the palace. [This done], he opened the casement, placed the present upon a high seat, and he himself sat upon a low one. He [then] broke the seal, removed the cloth [covering], and opening each gradually from the mat chest to the wooden casket, reflected thus:— ‘There is nothing remarkable in this. It is (perhaps) the receptacle of a precious thing. Doubtless there has arisen in the Majjhima-desa a ratana worthy of being heard.’ Thereafter he opened the casket, broke the royal seal, and, disengaging the soft blanket, saw the gold plate. When he had unfolded it, he (observed) that the characters were indeed pretty, that they were exact in (the formation) of their heads, that they were quadrangular,⁹⁰ and that the lines were all uniform; and commenced to read it from the beginning. Great was his joy on reading that Tathàgata had appeared in the world, and of his character. The ninety-nine thousand hairs of the body stood on end in their sockets. He became unconscious as to whether he stood or sat.⁹¹ Profound was his joy to reflect that he had on account of his friend, heard of the religion which it was difficult to attain even in a hundred thousand kòti of kalpas.⁹² He was (thence) unable to [proceed with the] perusal [of the missive,] and therefore sat⁹³ down; and, when his excited feelings had subsided, he resumed to read the characteristics of dhamma, [commencing with] svakkhàto bhagavatà dhammò etc. Here also the king became [intoxicated with joy] as before; and [therefore] paused (for a while): and when his excitement had again subsided, he returned to the letter, reading the characteristics of the Sangha, commencing from Supatipanna, etc. Again the king became excited as before. At last having read the ànàpàna satikammatthànan at the very end [of the letter] he entered upon the four and five-fold jhànas.⁹⁴ He (the king) was thus spending his entire time in the enjoyment of the jhàna; and no one was able to see him, except it were a young page who entered (his apartment.) In this manner he spent half-a month.

III. MAHÀ VAGGA.

Tena kho pana samayena àyasmà mahà Kachchàyano Avantìsu viharati Kuraraghare papàte pabbate. Tena kho pana samayena Sono upàsako kutikanno àyasmato mahà Kachchàyanassa upatthàko hoti: atha kho Sono upàsako Kutikanno yenà-yasmà mahà Kachchàyano tenupasankami, upasankamitvà àyasmantan mahà Kachchàyanan abhivàdetvà ekamantan nisìdi. Eka mantan nisinno kho Sono upàsako Kutikanno àyasmantan mahà Kachchàyanan etadavocha: ‘Yathà yathàhan bhante ayyena mahà Kachchàyanena dhamman desitan àjànàmi nayidan sukaran àgàran ajjhàvasatà ekantaparipunnan ekantaparisuddhan sankhalikhitan brahmachariyan charitun. Ichchhàm’ahan bhante kesamassun ohàretvà kàsàyàni vatthàni achchhàdetvà agàrasmà anagàriyan pabbajitun: pabbàjetu man bhante ayyo maha Kachchàyano’ ti. Dukkaran kho Sona yàvajìvan ekaseyyakan ekabhattakan brahmachariyan ingha tvan Sona tattheva agàrìbhùto buddhànan sàsanan anuyunja kàlayuktan ekaseyyan ekabhattan brahmachariyan’ti. Atha kho Sonassa upàsakassa Kutikannassa yo ahosi pabbajjàbhi sankhàro so patippassambhi,—dutiyampi Sono upàsako Kutikanno [repeated as before from yenà yasmà ……to patippassambhi.] tatiyampi [repeated as before from yenà yasmà……to bhante ayyo mahà Kachchàyano-ti. Atha kho àyasmà mahà Kachchàyano Sonan upàsakan Kutikannan pabbàjesi. Tena kho pana samayena Avanti dakkhina pato appa bhikkhuko hoti, atha kho àyasmà mahà Kachhàyano tinnan vassànan achchayena kichchhena kasirena tato tato dasa vaggan bhikkhu sanghan sannipàtàpetvà àyasmantan Sonan upasampàdesi. Atha kho àyasmato sonassa vassan vutthassa rahogatassa patisallìnassa evan chetaso pari-vitakko udapàdì sutoyeva kho me so bhagavà edisocha edisochàti nacha mayà sammukhà dittho gachchheyyàhan tan bhagavantan dassanàya arahantan sammà sambuddhan sache mam upajjhàyo anujàneyyàti. Atha kho àyasmà Sono sàyanha samayan patisallànà vutthito yenàyasmà mahà Kachchàyano tenupasamkamì; upasankamitvà àyasmantan mahà Kachchànan abhivàdetvà eka mantan nisìdì. Eka mantan nisinno kho àyasmà Sono àyasmantan mahà Kachchàyanan etada vocha. Idha maihan bhante rahogatassa patisallìnassa evan chetasoparivitakko udapàdi.—pe—.gachchheyyàhan bhante bhagavantan dassanàya arahantan sammà sambuddhan sache man upajjhàyo bhante anujàneyyàti Sadhu! Sàdhu! Sona, gachchha tvan sona tan bhagavantan dassanàya arahantan sammà sambuddhan dakkhissasi tvan Sona bhagavantan pàsàdikan pasàdanìyan santindriyan santamànasan uttamadamatha samathan anuppattan dantan guttan santindriya nàgan; tenahi tvan Sona mama vachanena bhagavato pàde sirasà vanda upajjhàyo me bhante àyasmà mahà Kachchàno bhagavato pàde sirasà vandatí’ti. Evancha vadehi Avanti dakkhinà patho bhante appabhikkhuko tinnan me vassànan achchayena kichchhena kasirena tato tato dasa vaggan bhikkhusanghan sannipàtàpetvà upasampadan alatthan. Appevanàma bhagavà Avanti dakkhinà pathe appa tarena ganena upasampadan anujàneyya; Avanti dakkhina pathe bhante kantuttarà bhùmi kharà gokantakahatà appevanàma bhagavà Avantì dakkhinà pathe ghanan ghanûpàhanan anujàneyya; Avanti dakkhinà pathe bhante nahàna garukà manussà udakasuddhikà appevanàma bhagavà Avanti dakkhinà pathe dhuvanahànan anujàneyya; Avanti dakkhinà pathe bhante chammàni attharanàni elaka chamman aja chamman miga chamman seyyatàpi bhante majjhimesu janapadesu eragu moragu majjàru jantu.—pe—.⁹⁵ appeva nàma bhagavà Avanti dakkhinà pathe chammàni attharanàni anujàneyya elaka-chamman aja-chamman miga-chamman. * * * * Anujànàmì bhikkave eva rûpesu pachchanti mesu jana padesu vinaya-dhara-panchamena ganena upasampadan. * * * * * * [Tatrime pachchantimà janapadà, puratthimàya disàya Kajangalonàma nigamo, tassa parena Mahà-Sàlà, tato parà Pachchantimà janapadà, orato majjhe. Puratthimadakkhinàya disàya Salalavatì nàma nadì, tato parà Pachchantimà janapadà, orato majjhe. Dakkhinàya dìsàya Setakannikan nàma nigamo, tato parà Pachchantimà janapadà, orato majjhe. Pachchhimàya disàya Thûnannàma Bràhmanagàmo, tato parà Pachchantimà janapadà, orato majjhe. Uttaràya disàya Usìraddhajonàma pabbato, tato parà Pachchantimà janapadà, orato majjhe.]⁹⁶

’At that time the venerable Mahà Kachchàyana lived in a cliff of the Kuraraghara⁹⁷ mountain in Avanti; and at the same time Sona-kutikanna⁹⁸ a lay observer of the ordinances of Buddha⁹⁹ was an attendant of the venerable Mahà Kachchàyana.¹⁰⁰ He went to the place where Mahà Kachchàyana dwelt, and having bowed to him, took his respectable position; and addressed him as follows:—‘So far as I have heard the dhamma which was propounded by the venerable Mahà Kachchàyana, it is not easy for a layman to observe brahmachariya¹⁰¹ which is the only perfect, the only purest (state) like a turned conch-shell. I desire (therefore) to leave the laity, to enter ascetism, to divest myself of (my) hair and beard, and to put on the yellow vesture. Let his Lordship the venerable Mahà Kachchàyana admit me into (the priesthood.)’ (The priest replied]—‘Sona, the observance of brahmachariya (which confines a man) to one seat and one meal is difficult. Wherefore, Sona, be as thou art, a householder. Observe the religion of Buddha, and temporarily preserve the brahmachariya¹⁰² (which confines thee to) one seat, and one meal.’ Upon which the intense desire of Sona to embrace ascetism subsided. [Yet, afterwards,] a second time [did Sona address Mahà Kachchàyana in the same language, and with the same result as before; and] a third time [did he make his application in precisely the same language;] when Mahà Kachchàyana admitted Sona into the priesthood.

At this time there were but few bhikkhûs in Avanti, the southern province. At the expiration of three years, however, Mahà Kachchàyana, having with trouble and difficulty assembled ten bhikkhûs from here and there, conferred on the venerable Sona the ordination of Upasampadà. He who held the vassa,¹⁰³ being alone, and solely intent upon [the concerns of religion]¹⁰⁴ pondered thus: ‘I have only heard that Bhagavà was so and so. I have not seen him face to face. If my Upajjhàya¹⁰⁵ will permit me I shall go to see the all-perfect Buddha, the Lord worthy of adoration.’ So pondering, the venerable Sona rose up in the evening from his contemplative meditation, and proceeded to the spot where Mahà Kachchàyana dwelt; and, making his obeisance, took his respectful distance. This done, he addressed the venerable Mahà Kachchàyana as follows:—‘Lord, to me who was alone, and in contemplative meditation a thought has occurred [that I should go and see Buddhà.] If my preceptor will permit, I will go and see the all-perfect Buddha, the lord worthy of adoration.’ ‘Sàdhu! Sàdhu!’ (exclaimed Kachchàyana);’ go thou Sona, to see the all-perfect Buddha, the lord worthy of adoration. Sona, thou wilt find Bagavà to be pleasing (to the sight) and producing delight (in the beholder)—(one moreover,) who has subdued the senses, who is of tranquil mind, who has attained to the highest self-control and tranquillity, who has self-controlled, who is [decently] covered, and who is the highest of those who had subjugated the passions. Wherefore, Sona, bow thou unto the feet of Bhagavà with thy head for me,¹⁰⁶ saying—‘My preceptor the supreme Lord, Mahà Kachchàyana has desired me to bow with my head unto the feet of Bhagavà.’ Say also, ’Lord there are but few bhikkhûs in Avanti, the southern country. At the expiration of three years, it was with trouble and difficulty that ten bhikkhûs were assembled from here and there for my ordination. It will (therefore) be well if Bhagavà will permit ordination in Avanti, the southern country by the introduction of a fewer number (of priests.) Since, my Lord, the ground of Avanti, the southern country, is overrun with thorns, is rough, and abounds with gokantaka,¹⁰⁷ it will be as well to permit the use of thicker shoes in Avanti, the southern country. Since, my Lord, the people of Avanti, the southern country prize bathing highly, and esteem purity with water (above all things), it will be as well to permit more frequent bathing in Avanti, the southern country. Since (again), my Lord, in Avanti, the southern country, skins such as sheep-skin, goat-skin and deer-skin are used for coverlets, same as eragu, moragu, majjàru and jantu¹⁰⁸ in the majjhima country; it will be as well to permit the use of skins such as sheep skins, goat skins, and deer skins for coverlets. * * * [On the above requests being preferred, Buddha declared] Priests, in (all) foreign countries like this (Avanti) I permit ordination in an assembly of five, one being versed in the Vinaya.

IV. ATTHAKATHÀ OF SANYUTTA NIKÀYA.

Tada majjhima desato sankha vànijakà tan nagaran gantva bhandikan patisàmetvà ràjànan passissàmoti pannàkàra-hatthà ràja kulà’dvàran gantvà ràja uyyànan gatoti sutvà uyyànan gantvà dvàre tithà patihàrassa arochayinsu. Atha rañño nivedite ràja pakkosapetvà nìyàdita-pannàkàre vanditvà tithe—’tàta kuto àgatatthà’ti puchchi—’Sàvatthito devà’ti. Kinti tumhàkan ratthan subhikkhan dhammìko ràjà’ti. ’Àma deva’ti. Atthi pana tumhàkan desi kinchi sàsanan’ti. ’Deva na sakka uchchittha mukhehi kathetun’ti. Ràjà suvanna bhinkàrena udakan dàpesi; te mukhan vikkhàletvà darabalàbhi mukhan anjalin pagganhitvà—’deva amhàkan dese Buddha ratanan nàma uppannan’ti àhansu. Rañño Buddhoti vachane sutamatte sakala sarìran pharamànan pìti upajjì Tato ’Buddhoti tàtà vàdeta’ti—‘Àma Buddho devà’—ti. Evan tikkhattun kathàpatvà Buddhoti varan aparimànan kàyan na sakkà parimànan katunti tasmin yeva pasanno sahassan datvà ’aparan kin sàsanan’ti—Puchchi ’dhamma ratanan deva uppannan’ti. Tampi sutvà tatheva tikkhattun patiññan gahetvà aparampi sahassan datvà puna ’aññan kin sàsanan’ti puchchi. ’Sangharatanan deva uppannan’ti. Tampi sutvà tatheva gahetvà aparanti sahassan datvà dinnabhàvan panne likhitv ’tàtà deviyà santikan gachchhathà’ti pesesi. Tesu gatesu amachche puchchhi; ’tàtà Buddho loke uppanno tumhe kin parissathà’ti—’Deva tumhe kin kàtukàmà’ti; ’Ahan pabbajissàmì’ti; ’mayampi pabbajissamà’ti. Te sabbepi gharan và kutumban và anopa-loketva-yeva asse aruyha gatà; tadaheva nikkha minsu. Vànijà Anojà-deviyà santikan gantvà pannan dassesun. Sà vàchetva raññà tumhàkan bahu katan tumhehi kin katan tàtàti puchchhi.

’At that time certain chank traders went to that city (Kukkutavati) from Majjhimadesa. Arranging their baggage, and saying ‘Let us see the King,’ they went with presents in hand to the palace gate. Hearing, however, that the king (Kappina) had gone to the park, they proceeded thither; and addressed the keeper at the gate. When the king was informed (of their arrival) he caused them to be summoned (before him), and inquired of those, who stood before him saluting with presents—‘Sons, whence did you come?’ ‘Your Majesty, from Sàvatthi.’ What—is your country fertile; and your king righteous?’ ‘Yes, your Majesty,’ replied the traders. ‘What are the tidings of your country?’ demanded the king. ‘Your Majesty (returned the traders) it is impossible to relate them with impure mouths.’ The king (thereupon) caused water to be given (to them) in a golden vase; and when they washed their mouths, and made their obeisence to the direction of Buddha, they said, ‘Please your Majesty, a precious (person)¹⁰⁹ called Buddhà, has appeared in our country.’ The moment he heard the word “Buddha” joy pervaded every part of his body. Again, said the king, ‘Sons, is he called Buddha?’ ‘Yes, your Majesty,’ replied the traders. The king having thus caused them to repeat (the word) three times—and, unable to define the supreme unaccountable wight called Buddha, and being (moreover) pleased with the word itself; gave them a thousand (pieces); and asked them ‘What other news?’ ‘Please your Majesty (replied the traders) a precious thing called the dhamma has appeared.’ When he had heard this also, he got their assurance thrice as before, and gave them another thousand pieces. He again asked them ‘What other news?’ They again replied, that ‘a precious thing called the Sangha had arisen.’ When he had heard this also, he likewise received (their assurances) and gave them yet a thousand (pieces); and writing the fact of the gift in a leaf,¹¹⁰ sent them saying, ‘Sons, go (with this) to the Queen-Consort.’ After they had left him, the king said to the Ministers, ‘Sons, Buddha has appeared in the world; what will ye do?’ ‘Please your Majesty,’ returned the Ministers, ‘(we will) whatever it shall please you to do?’ ‘I shall be a recluse,’ rejoined the king. ‘We too (shall) enter the priesthood,’ added the Ministers. Thereupon all of them, without so much as caring for their homes or families, got upon their horses and went away on that very day. The traders, who went to Queen Anàjà, presented the letter to her; and when she had read it, she said to them, ‘The king has done much for you; what have ye done?’

V. SUMANGALA VILÀSINI.

Pubbe kira Vajji ràjàno ayan choroti ànetvà dassìti ganhatha ran choranti avatvà vinichchhaya mahà-mattànan denti. Te vinichchhinitvà sache achorohoti vissajjanti sache choro hoti attanà kinchi akatvà vohàrikànan denti. Tepi vinichchhinitvà achoro che vissajjenti, choro che Suttadarà nàma honti, tesan denti. Tepi vinichchhanitvà achoro che vissajjenti, choro che Atthakulikànan denti. Tepi tatheva tatvà Senàpatissa, Senàpati uparàjassa, Uparàja rañño. Rajà vinichchhinitvà achoro che vìssajjeti sache pana choro hoti Paveni Potthakan vàchàpeti. Tattha yena idan nàma katan tassa ayan nàma dandoti likhitan. Ràjà tassa kiriyan tena samànetvà tadonuchchhavikan dandan karoti.

’In aforetimes the Vajjian princes, on a person being brought and presented ‘as a thief,’ surrendered him to the Vinichchhaya Mahamattà,¹¹¹ without saying ‘take this thief (into custody).’ They, upon investigation release him, if innocent; but, if he be (found) a thief, surrender him to the Vohàrik๹² without doing anything themselves. They (the Vohàrikà) too, upon investigation release him, if innocent; but, if otherwise, transfer him to those who are called Suttadarà.¹¹³ They likewise inquire (into the matter) and discharge him, if innocent; but, if otherwise, assign him to the Atthakulakà.¹¹⁴ They also, going through the same process (surrender him) to the Senàpati (or Commander of the forces)—the Senàpati to the Uparàja (or Sub-king),—and the Uparàja to the King. The Sovereign, after inquiring into the matter discharges him, if innocent; but, if otherwise causes the Paveni Potthakan, or the book of Precedents’¹¹⁵ to be consulted. There it is written, such is the punishment to him who has committed such (a crime.) The king upon comparing with that the conduct of the culprit, inflicts a suitable punishment.’

VI. MAHA VAGGA.

Tena kho pana samayena Ràjagahe sattàrasavaggiyà dàrakà. sahàyakà honti * * * * * * Attha kho Upalissa màtà pitunnan etadahosi—’Sache kho Upàli lekhan sikkheyya. * * * ‘Sache kho upàli lekhan sikkhissati angulio dukkha bhavissanti.’ ‘Sache kho upàli gananan sikkheyya’ * * * * ‘Sache kho Upàli gananan sikkhissati urassa dukkho bhavissanti.’ ‘Sache kho Upàli rùpan sikkheyya * * * * Sache kho Upàli rùpan sikkhissati akkhini dukkhà bhavissanti.’ * * * * ‘Sache kho Upàli samanesu Sakkaputtiyesu pabbajjeyya; evan kho Upàli amhàkan achchayena sukhan jìveyya, na cha kilameyyà-ti.’

’At that time there were in Ràjagaha seventeen children who were companions. Upàli was the chief amongst them. ………Afterwards, Upàli’s parents pondered: ‘It may be desirable that Upàli should learn writing………But, if he learn to write, his fingers may suffer pain. It is desirable that Upàli should learn Arithmetic¹¹⁶………Should he learn computation, he would suffer in his mind. It may be desirable that Upàli should learn drawing………Should he learn drawing, his eyes might suffer………Should Upàli however, become an Ascetic in the Sâkya fraternity, he would be enabled to live well after our deaths, and would not be distressed.’

VII. ATTHAKATHÀ TO THE DHAMMAPADA.

In the story of Kosambi Setthi, who resorted to various attempts to kill his natural son, Ghosika, it is stated:—

* * * Evan sante pana tan setthì ujukan oleketun nasakkoti; kinti nan màreyyantì chintento mama gàmasate àyuttakassa santikan pesetvà màràpessànìti upàyan disvà ‘ayan me avajàtaputto,¹¹⁷ iman màretvà vachchakùpe khipatù, evan kate ahan màtulassa kattabbayuttakan jànissàmì’ti’—tassa pannan likhitvà, ’tàta Ghosaka amhàkan gàma-sate àyuttako atthì, iman pannan haritvà tassa dehì’ti vatvà pannan tassa dasante bandhi. So pana akkharasamayan najànàti. ………Sà (setthi-dìta) kin pana nukho etanti tasmin niddàyante màtà pitunnan aññavihitatàya apassantanam otaritvà tan pannan mochetvà àdàya attanogabbhan pavisitvà dvàran pidhàya vàtapànan vivaritvà akkharasamaya kusalatàya pannan vàchetvà, ’aho andhabàlo attano marana pannan dasante bandhitvà charati sache mayà naditthà assa natthi jìvitan’tì, tan pannan phàletvà setthissa vachanena aparan pannan likhi.

’Such being the case, the Setthi could not see him full (in the face).¹¹⁸ Pondering how he might cause his death, and devising a means, viz. ‘that he would kill him by sending him to the superintendent of his Hundred Estates’—wrote to him a leaf as follows—‘This is my unfortunate son. Kill him, and put him into the cess-pool. When that shall have been effected, I shall know how to recompense my Uncle;’¹¹⁹—and said, ‘Son, Ghosika, there is a superintendent in our Hundred Estates; take this letter, and give it to him.’ So saying, he tied the letter to the end of his (son’s) garments. He was illiterate. * * * [The story then proceeds to narrate that Ghosika, on his way to the Estates, took lodgings at the house of another Setthi; and that his daughter, who heard that the stranger had something tied to his garments], thinking what it could be, came down whilst Ghosika was asleep, and unperceived by her parents, who were elsewhere engaged. Having untied (the knot), and secured the leaf, she entered her own room; where, after closing the door, and opening the window, she, who was clever in letters, read the epistle. [That done], she exclaimed ‘Alas! this blind idiot goes about with his own death warrant¹²⁰ tied to his garments. If it had not been seen by me, he would (surely) forfeit his life!’ So saying, she destroyed that letter, and substituted (wrote) another, as if it had come from the Setthi.’¹²¹

VIII. SAMANTAPÀSÀDIKA

‘Anujànàmi bhikkave salàkàya và pattikàya và upanibandhitvà opunjitvà uddisitun’—iti vachanato rukkha sàramayàya salàkàyavà vìluvilìvatàlapannàdi-mayàya pattikàya và asukassa nàma salàka-bhattan’ti evan akkaràni upanibandhitvà, pachchhiyan và chìvara bhoge và sabba salàkàyo opunjitvà, punappuna hetthup pariya vasena àlolàpetvà, panchanga samannàgatena bhattuddesakena sache’pi thitikà atthe thitikato patthàya no che atthì teràsanato patthàya salàkà dàtabbà.

’Whereas it is said: “I permit you, priests, to ascertain (this) by writing on a thin slip (ticket) or upon bark, and by mixing (the same);”—letters should be formed¹²² either upon a slip made of the woody-part of a tree, or upon a strip of the Bambu-bark, the Talipot-leaf, et cetera, to the effect that ‘(this is) the Food-Ticket answering to such person’s name.’ [This done], all the tickets should be collected into a basket, or the fold of a robe; and, having repeatedly shaken them together so that they may be [moved up-side down] mixed, they should be distributed by the Bhattudesaka¹²³ of five qualifications,¹²⁴ commencing according to the standing orders, if any; or, otherwise, with the seat of the eldest priest.’

KACHCHÀYANA BHEDA TÌKÀ.

(Note p. lxxii.)

The following extract, which we make from the Kachchàyana Bheda Tìkà, contains the Tradition as to who were the authors of the Supplementary Notes, and examples in Kachchàyana’s Grammar.

Tenà’ha Kachchàyana Dìpaniyan.

Sandhimhi eka paññàsan
nàmamhi dvi satan bhave,
Atthà rasàdhi kanchena
kàrake pancha tàlisan;
Samàse attha vìsan’cha
dvàsatthi Taddhite matan,
Atthà rasa satàkkhyàte
kite sutta satan bhave;
Unnàdimhi cha paññàsan
ñeyyan sutta pabhedato;—
Sabban sampinda mànantu
cha sata sattati dvecha’…ti.

Imàni sutta sankhyàni ñyàse àgata sutta sankhyàhi nasamenti; kasmàti che? pakkhepa suttan gahetv ganantà dasàdhika satta sata suttàni honti. Imàni suttàni Mahà Kachchàyanena katàni; vutti cha Sanghanandi sankhàtena Mahà Kachchàyanen ’eva katà—payogo Brahmadattena kato.. ti. Vuttan ch’etan.

“Kachchàyana kato yogo
vuttì cha Sanghanandino,
Payogo Brahmadattena
ñyàso Vimalabuddhinà”…ti.

’It is said in the Kachchàyana Dìpanì—that the distribution of Suttàni may be regarded (as follows, viz. that) there are fifty one (Suttàni) in the (book which treats on) Combination; two hundred and eighteen on Nouns; forty-five on Syntax; twenty-eight on Compounds; sixty-two on Nominal Derivatives; one hundred and eighteen on Verbs; one hundred on Verbal Derivatives; and fifty on Unnàdi. The aggregate (number is) six hundred and seventy-two.

’These numbers of aphorisms do not correspond with the numbers appearing in the Nyàsa. To explain wherefore: By the computation of the interpolated aphorisms there are seven hundred and ten aphorisms. These aphorisms were composed by Mahà Kachchàyana. The Vutti were made by Mahà Kachchàyana himself, (who was also) called Sanghanandi;—and the illustrations by Brahmadatta. So it is expressly stated—that

‘The aphorisms were made by Kachchàyana
The Vutti by Sanghanandi¹²⁵—
The illustrations by Brahmadatta—
And the ñyàsa by Vimalabuddhi.’

NETTI PAKARANA.

(Note p. xxiii.)

When I noticed the arguments advanced against the belief, that Mahà Kachchàyana was the author of the Pali Grammar which is named after him, I had not seen the Netti Pakarana, which is also stated to have been written by him. I have since procured a copy, and give, as a specimen of its style, the following selection. From an examination of that specimen I fail to perceive anything in its style, from which it may be concluded that the two works were not written by one and the same person. It is, what it professes to be, a very full and complete commentary of the religious matters it treats upon. It combines a commentary with a Dictionary. It quotes passages said to have been expressed by Buddha himself. The metres of the gàthàs quoted are clearly Pràkrit. And, from the interpolations of certain notes, which make reference to some of the distinguished members of the Buddhist Convocations, and which are also to be found in the originals, which I have consulted, I am the more fortified in the belief expressed in the Introduction.

Tattha katamo vichayohàro? ‘yan puchchhitancha vissajjitancha’ àdi gàthà. Ayan vichayohàro kin vichinati? Padan vichinati, pañhan vichinati, vissajjanan vichinati, pubbàparan vichinati, assàdan vichinati, àdìnavan vichinati, nissaranan vichinati, phalan vichinati, upàyan vichinati, ànattin vichinati, anugìtin vichinati, sabbe nava suttante vichinati. Yatà kin bhave? Yatà àyasmà Ajito Pàràyane bhagavantan pañhan puchchhati—

“Kenassu nivuto loko [ichchà yasma Ajito]¹²⁶
Kenassu nappakàsati
Kissàbhilepanan brùsi
Kinsutassa mahabbhayan…” ti

Imàni chattàri padàni puchchhi tàni. Socha kho eko pañho, kasmà? eka vatthupariggaho. Evanhi àha—‘kenassu nivuto loko’-ti—lokàdhitthànan puchchhati: ‘kenassu nappakàsatì’ ti—lokassa appakàsanan puchchhati: ‘kissàbhi lepanan brùsi’ ti—lokassa abhilepanan puchchhati: ’kinsutassa mahabbhayan’ti—tasseva lokassa mahabbhayan puchchhati. Loko tividho,—kilesa loko, bhava loko, indriya loko. Tattha vissajjanà

“Avijjà [ya] nivuto loko [Ajitàti bhagavà]
Vivichchh๲⁷ nappakàsati
Jappàbhi lepanan brûmi
Dukkham’assa mahabbhayan…” ti

Imàni chattàri padàni imehi chatuhi padehi vissajjitàni—Pathaman pathamena, dutiyan dutiyena, tatiyan tatiyena, chatutthan chatutthena.

’Kenassu nivuto loko’ti—pañhe ’avijjà nivuto loko’ti—vissajjanà. Nìvaranenahi nivuto loko, avijjànìvaranàhi sabbe sattà yathàha bhagavà. “Sabba sattànan bhikkhave sabba pànànan sabba bhùtànan pariyàyato ekam’eva nìvaranan vadàmi, yadidan—avijjà; avijjànìvaranà hi sabbe sattà, sabba so cha bhikkhave avijjàya nirodhà chàgà patinissaggà, natthi sattànan nìvaranan ti vadàmi”—tenacha pathamassa padassa vissajjanà yuttà.

’Kenassu nappakàsatì’ti—pañhe vivichchhà,¹²⁸ nappakàsatì’ti vissajjanà; yo puggalo nìvaranehi nivuto so vivichchhati, vivichchhànàma vuchchati vichikichchhà—So vichikichchhanto nàbhi saddahati, anabhisaddahanto viriyan nàrabhati akusalànan dhammànan pahànàya kusalànan dhammànan sachchhi kiriyàya, so idha pamàda’manuyutto viharati; pamatto sukke dhamme na upàdiyati; tassa te anupàdiyamànà nappakàsanti,—yathà’ha bhagavà—

“Dùre santo pakàsenti
Himavanto va pabbato;
Asantettha na dissanti
Ratti khittà yathà sarà;
Te gunehi pakàsenti
Kittiyà cha yasena cha”..ti.

Tena cha dutiya padassa vissajjanà yuttà.

‘Kiss’àbhi lepanan brùsi’-ti pañhe ‘japp’àbhi lepanan brùmì’..ti vissajjanà; jappànàma vuchcha-ti tanhà; sà kathan abhilimpati yathà’ha bhagavà—

“Ratto atthan na jà nàti
Ratto dhamman na passati;
Andhan taman tadà hoti
Yan ràgo sahate naran”..ti

Sà’yan tanhà àsattibahulassa puggalassa evan abhijappàti karitvà; tattha loko abhilitto nàma bhavati—tena cha tatiyassa padassa vissajjanà yuttà.

’Kinsu tassa mahabbhayan’ti pañhe ’dukkham’assa mahabbhayan’ti vissajjanà. Duvidhan dukkhan kàyikan cha chetasikan cha, yan kàyikan idan dukkhan, yan chetasikan idan domanassan, sabbe sattà hi dukkhassa ubbijjanti, natthi bhayan dukkhena sama saman kuto và pana tassa uttasitaran. Tisso dukkhatà—dukkha-dhukkhatà, vipari nàma dukkhatà sankhàra dukkha-tà ti, tattha loko odhiso kadàchi karahachi dukkha dukkhatàya muchchati, tathà viparinàma dukkhatàya; tan kissa hetu honti loke appàbàdhà’pi dìghàyukà’pi. Sankhàra dukkha tàya pana loko anupàdisesàya nibbànadhàtuyà muchchati, tasmà sankhàra dukkhatà dukkhan lokassà ti katvà ’dukkham’assa mahabbhayan’ti—tenacha chatutthassa padassa vissajjanà yuttà. Tenà’ha bhagavà ’avijjà nivuto loko…’ti.

Of the foregoing what is vichayahàro? [See] the gàthà—‘Yan puchchhitan cha vissajjitan cha’ etc. What does this vichayahàro investigate? It investigates parts of speech [words]. It investigates questions. It investigates answers. It investigates what precedes and follows [the context]. It investigates happy [results]. It investigates ill-effects. It investigates [their] non-existence. It investigates consequences. It investigates means. It investigates canons. It investigates parallel passages. It investigates all the nine-bodied suttans. What is it? Just as in the question propounded of Bhagavà by the venerable Ajita in the section [entitled] Pàràyana—¹²⁹

‘Say by what has the world been shrouded?
Wherefore is it not manifested?
Whereby is its attachment?
What is its great fear?’

These four sentences were thus propounded [by Ajita]. They comprise one question. Wherefore? [Because] they take in one matter. He has stated it thus: By [the first sentence] kenassu nivuto loko, he investigates the abiding cause of the world [living beings]; by [the second] kenassu nappakàsati he investigates its non-manifestation; by [the third] kissàbhi lepanan brûsi, he investigates its allurements; and by [the fourth] kinsutassa mahabbhayan, he investigates its very dreadful horror. The [loka] world is threefold, viz., world of kilesa,¹³⁰ world of [bhava], or existence; and the sensible [indriya], world. The explanation of the question [is as follows:]

’I say the world is shrouded by Ignorance,
’By doubt is it not manifested;
’By desire is its attachment,
’And its horror [proceeds] from Affliction.

The four sentences [first quoted] are explained by the four sentences [last quoted]. i. e., the first [of the former] by the first [of the latter], the second by the second, the third by the third, and the fourth by the fourth.

‘The world is shrouded by ignorance’—is the explanation of the question, ‘by what has the world been shrouded?’ Yes, it is shrouded by an obstacle; yes, all beings are clothed with the obstacle of Ignorance. So it is declared by bhagavà: ‘Priests, I declare that all beings, all lives, all existences have inherently a particular obstacle, viz. Ignorance;—yes, all beings are beclouded by ignorance. Priests, I declare that by completely destroying, abandoning, (and) forsaking Ignorance, (existing) beings have no impediment.’ Hence the explanation of the first sentence is satisfactory.

‘By doubt is it not manifested’—is the explanation of the question, ‘by what has (the world) been shrouded?’ He, who is impeded with an obstacle, doubts. By the (obsolete) term vivichchhà (in the text) vichikichchhà (doubt) is expressed. [Thus] a person who doubts, is devoid of pure faith. He who is devoid of pure faith, exerts not to destroy demerit, and to acquire merit. He (thus) lives clothed with procrastination. He who procrastinates, fails to practise good deeds [religious and abstract meditation.] He who does not practise them, is not manifested.¹³¹ So it has been declared by Bhagavà, that “The righteous are manifested far-and-wide like the Himalaya mountain; (but) the wicked are here unperceived, like darts shot at night. The former are manifested by (their) virtues, fame and renown.” Hence the explanation of the second sentence is satisfactory.

‘By desire, I say, is its attachment’—is the explanation of the question, ‘whereby is its attachment?’ By the (obsolete) term jappà (in the text) tanhà (or) lust is conveyed. How she forms an attachment is thus stated by Bhagavà:—‘He who is actuated by lust, knows not causes (of things); he who is actuated by lust perceives not what is right. Whenever lust enslaves [lit. bears] a man, then is there a thick darkness.’ Thus the aforesaid lust in an inordinately lustful person becomes (as if it were) a glutinous [substance.] In it the world becomes adhesive. Hence the explanation of the third sentence is satisfactory.

‘Affliction¹³² is its dreadful horror’—is the explanation of the question, ‘what is its great fear?’ Affliction is two-fold; that which appertains to the body, and that which appertains to the mind. That which appertains to the body is pain, and that which appertains to the mind is sorrow. All beings dread affliction. There is no dread equal to that of Affliction (dukkha.) Where indeed is a greater than that? Affliction in the abstract is three-fold—inherent misery (dukkha-dhukkhatà), vicissitudinary misery (viparinàma dukkhatà), and all-pervading misery (sankhàra dukkhatà).¹³³’ Hence a being, sometimes, in the course (of transmigration) becomes free from inherent misery.¹³⁴ So likewise, from vicissitudinary misery.¹³⁵ From what causes? [From] there being freedom from disease, and also from longevity. A being also becomes free from all-pervading misery by means of birth-less nibban. Hence, treating the affliction of a being as all-pervading misery, (the reply was), ‘Its dreadful horror [proceeds] from Affliction.’ Hence the explanation of the fourth sentence is satisfactory. Wherefore Bhagavà has declared:—

Avijjà nivuto loko, &c.

‘I say, the world is shrouded by Ignorance;—by doubt is it not manifested;—by desire is its attachment;—and its dreadful horror [proceeds] from Affliction.’

Note to p. i.

Though at the risk of being charged with egotism, I cannot refrain from giving the following as a specimen of modern Pàli, which was presented to His Excellency, Sir Charles MacCarthy, by a large and influential, and at the same time, a very learned body of Buddhist priests, headed by the learned Sumangala, whom I have noticed in the Introduction.

1

Paññà-ransippabandhà budha-kumuda-vanan
bodhayanto asesan
Duppaññ’anbhoja-pantin suvipulam’api yo
dûsayanto samantà;
Loken’àchinna nànà-vidha-kalusa-tamo-
sanhatim dhansayanto
CHÀRLES MAK-KÀRTHI devo jayati viya sasì
sàdhu Lank’ àdhinàtho:

2

So vidvà Lankikànan viya piya-janako
vajjayanto anatthan
Esanto ch’àpi atthan idha sachiva-sabhà-
sangame nìtikàre;
Tesan chàritta-nìtippabhuti-hita-kathà
y’àpi chhekan pasatthan
Mantindan ichchhat’ekan gati-sati-sahitan
uchchinitvà gahetun.

3

Alan tato tassa samàja-manti-
Thànassa viññun suvinìta-chhekan;
Nidassayàm’-ekamanà samaggà
Mayan hi Lankàya nivàsi-bhûtà.

4

JÀMES DE ALWIS abhidhàna-nàtho
Ayan vibhàvì naya-nìti dakkho;
Sakàya bhàsày’api Sìhalàya
Susikkhito Màgadhikàya ch’àpi.

5

Satthesu nekes’vapi Sìhalesu
Chhando-Nighandu ppabhutìsu sammà;
Sevàya chhek’-à chariy’à sabhànan
Supàtavan ñàna-balena yàto.

6

So Lankikànam’api nìti-paveni-maggan
Sammà’va ussahati ve tathato kathetun;
Lank’àdhipo yadi tameva samuchchineyya
Appevanàma janatàya hitàya ettha.

Sumangala, and others.

Address to Sir Charles MacCarthy, Kt., Governor of Ceylon, &c. &c., by Buddhist priests of Ceylon. [Translated from the Pali.]

I.

“May Sir Charles MacCarthy the moon-like illustrious Governor of Ceylon, be exalted! He who delights the lily-like-pandits with the beams of his wisdom; who in every way discourages the vast lotus-field of ignorance; and who destroys the dark-gloom of wickedness which his subjects may practise.

II.

“This learned (personage), like a generous parent, obviating the ills affecting the Ceylonese, and promoting their good in the Legislative Council of this (Island); is (we are told) desirous of selecting a Councillor, discreet, wise, and renowned; and, moreover, noted for his great tact, and his knowledge of the customs and habits of the Singhalese.

III.

“Wherefore (all) we, the (undersigned) natives of Ceylon, unanimously beg leave to nominate a fit person for the membership of the said Assembly—one who is well educated, clever, erudite; viz:

IV.

“James de Alwis. He is an accomplished scholar, highly versed in Law and Polity; and well acquainted with Pali, and most intimately, with his own language—the Singhalese.

V.

“He has attained to eminence by his natural talents; and has acquired various sciences of the Singhalese, such as

Footnotes

1. Dasa dasaka vassamhi Sambuddhe parinibbute Vesàliyan Vajjiputtà dìpenti dasavatthuke. That is—“when a century had elapsed from the date of Buddha’s parinibban, the Vajjians of Vesàli declared the ten innovations.”—Dìpàvansa. ↩

2. See Chùlavagga, lib. 4 of the Vinaya. ↩

3. See Asiatic Researches, xx., p. 41. ↩

4. Here too, there is a slight difference of ten years, which is too trivial to be noticed; and it is probable that the mistake arose by confounding the numbers 100, and 10, which may have occurred in a passage such as the following, conveying information as to the date of the second Convocation. Atìte dasame vasse Kàlàsokassa ràjino; Sambuddha parinibbànà evan vassa satangatan. ↩

5. See his History of Ancient Sanskrit, p. 271, et seq. ↩

6. Compare Mahawansa with the following account in the Vishnu Purána. ’The next Prince will be Sisunàga; his son will be Kákavarna (36 years V. and M.); his son will be Kshemadharman, (Kshemakharman 20 years V. Kshemadharman 36 years M.); his son will be Kshatraujas, (40 years V.; Kshemajit or Kshemarchis, 36 years M.; Kshetrajna, Bh. P.) his son will be Vidmasàra, (Vimbisàra 28 years, V.; Vindusena or Vindhyasena 28 years, M.; Vidhisàra Bh..); his son will be Ajàtasatru, his son will be Dharbaka, (Harshaka 25 years, V.; Vansaka, 24 years, M.); his son will be Udayàsva, (33 years V.; Udibhi or Udàsin, 33 years M.,) his son also will be Nandivardhana, and his son will be Mahànanda, 42 and 43 years, V.; 40 and 43 years, M.) These ten Saisunàgas will be kings of the earth for 362 years. ’The son of Mahananda will be born of a woman of the Sudra class; his name will be Nanda, called Mahapadma; for he will be exceedingly avaricious. Like another Parasuràma, he will be the annihilator of the Kshatriya race, for after him the kings of the earth will be sûdras. He will bring the whole earth under one umbrella, he will have eight sons Sumàlya, and others, who will reign after Mahàpadma; and he and his sons will govern for a hundred years. The Brahman Kautilya will root out the nine Nandas. ‘Upon the cessation of the race of Nanda, the Mauryas will possess the earth. Kautilya will place Chandragupta on the throne; his son will be Vindusàra; his son will be Asokavardhana; his son will be Suyasas; his son will be Dasaratha; his son will be Sangata; his son will be Sàlisûka, his son will be Somasarman; his son will be Sasadharman, and his successor will be Vrihadratha. These are the ten Mauryas, who will reign over the earth for 137 years.’ ↩

7. Susunágassa putto, Asoko àsi mahípatí, Pàtaliputta nagaramhi, rajjankàresi Khattiyo.—Dipàvansa. ↩

8. See Ràja Tarangani in the Asiatic Researches, xv. ↩

9. Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Asiatic Society for 1856-8, p. 199. ↩

10. By Babu Regendralal Mittra; volume for 1854, p. 604. ↩

11. Mons. Burnouf regards this as a fact conclusively demonstrated. See his Introduction to the History of Buddhism. ↩

12. L’Histoire du Buddhisme, p. 104. ↩

13. Translated from Buddhagosa’s Atthakathà entitled the Sumangala Vilàsini, by the Hon’ble Geo. Turnour, and published in the Bl. A. S. J., vol. vi. p. 526. ↩

14. See his Indien, p. 194. ↩

15. It is remarkable that the repetition of an act is conveyed by a repetition of the same stanza—a circumstance which proves the truth of the tradition, that the Dipàvansa was compiled by royal chroniclers, to whom it was assigned as a task. ↩

16. Vajji—a portion of Behar in which the Lichchavi Princes were settled. It is however not stated where the Council was held. Doubtless it was at a distance from the principal seat of Government and Buddhism, which at this period was at Vesàli or modern Allahabad. ↩

17. Viloman akansu ‘made to bristle,’ ‘ruffled,’ ‘crossed,’ ‘reversed,’ ‘confused.’ ↩

18. bhinditvà—‘having broken,’ ‘split,’ ‘set aside.’ ↩

19. Sangahan—from the context I would render this word ‘compilation’ and not ‘rehearsal.’ The acts here related, taken in connection with the original import of the word, can only refer to a written and not a mental collection. ↩

20. Akarinsu ‘made,’ ‘done,’ ‘effected.’ The same word is used in the following sentence, wherein I have rendered it ‘placed.’ ↩

21. Dhamma here means phraseology of the Scriptures, as opposed to their attha ‘the sense’ or ‘import.’ ↩

22. Thpayinsu—‘They made to stand.’ ↩

23. Vyanjana ‘letters,’ and in some of the Buddhist writings, ‘words’ or ‘sentences.’ ↩

24. Patirûpa—placed another figure or ‘counterpart.’ ↩

25. From a comparison of the Ceylon and Nepal Versions of the sacred writings I find the latter has three sections, the Vaipulya, the Nidan, and the Upadesa; all which are additions to the original discourses. Compare the following list taken from Hodgson’s Illustrations, with the list from Buddhagosa’s atthakathà, ante p. 61. Hodgson says; The Bauddha scriptures are of twelve kinds known by the following twelve names, 1 Sutra; 2 Geya; 3 Vyàkarana; 4 Gàtha; 5 Udan; 6 Nidan; 7 Ityyukta; 8 Jàtaka; 9 Vaipulaya; 10 Adbhuta dharma; 11 Avadan; and 12 Upadesa.’ ↩

26. Tantin. The text; see my remarks hereon in the Introduction. ↩

27. Atthuddhàran ‘explanatory discourses.’ ↩

28. Pakarana ‘compilation,’ ‘something made methodically,’ ‘an original composition.’ ↩

29. The version of the Jàtakas in Ceylon is, I believe, deficient. ↩

30. ’Akappakarani—also ‘decorations, embellishments, niceties of style or composition, or figures of speech.’ ↩

31. The peculiarities here noticed, when compared with those of the Gàthà dialect of the Nepal Scriptures (See Essay thereon by Babu Rajendralal Mitra in the Bl. A. S. J. for 1854, p. 604, et seq.) there can be no doubt of the identity between this fourth code of the Buddhists and the Nepal version. The differences of style therein illustrated by Mr. Mittra exactly correspond with the defects of composition here described. ↩

32. Parikkàran—‘attributes,’ ‘decorations,’ ‘accidents.’ ↩

33. “In the Gathà, says Mr. Mittra, we find the old forms of the Sanskrit Grammar gradually losing their impressive power, and prepositions and periphrastic expressions supplying their places, and time-hallowed verbs and conjugations juxtaposed to vulgar slangs and uncouth provincialisms.” ↩

34. The word vàda which we have differently translated at different places to convey heresy, schism, &c., means simply as in this place, ‘discourse,’ ‘discussion,’ ‘demonstrated conclusion,’ ‘doctrine,’ ‘principle.’ ↩

35. I find Prof. Max Muller agrees with me in believing that although the Nepal works have been referred by Oriental Scholars to a much more modern period of Indian Literature, yet it can now safely be ascribed to an ante-Christian era. Buddhism and Buddhist Pilgrims, p. 24. ↩

36. Some of the Nepal Scriptures appear to be unauthorized additions from a Brahmanical source; and, as remarked by Hodgson, Upadesa treats of the esoteric doctrines equivalent to tantra, the rites and ceremonies being almost identical with those of the Hindoo tantras, but the chief object of worship, different, though many of the inferior ones are the same.—Hodgson’s Illustrations. ↩

37. Extracted from Dr. Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, p. 75. ↩

38. Vide the discourse of Revata thera in the Mahawansa, p. 251. ↩

39. Hiouen-thsang’s Travels, by M. Reinaud. ↩

40. From the following extract which speaks of a ‘leaf pin’ or stile, it may be inferred that the writing material was the Talipot leaf. Vide infra, Sà kira pubbe bhikkhunì hutvà panna-sùchiyà saddhin pattkancha padìpiyatelancha datvà jatissarà bhaveyyanti patthanan thapesi—’She having been a female ascetic, and having given a panna-sùchiya [a leaf-pin] or stile together with a [blank] book, and also oil for the lamp, aspired to a knowledge of what had transpired in previous births.—Rasavàhini, p. 42. ↩

41. A vocative particle or term of address by a superior to inferiors; or by a King to his subjects. ↩

42. Probably a letter written on the Talipot leaf. ↩

43. Vermilion used as a writing material. ↩

44. Attha satan is also defined as 108. ↩

45. This is probably glass. ↩

46. coral. ↩

47. ruby. ↩

48. emerald. ↩

49. crystal. ↩

50. lit. teeth—ivory. ↩

51. This is the Maddhyadesa of Sanskrit writers—‘the middle country’ as distinguished from the Dakkhinà or the Dekhan on the south, and the Himavanta or the ‘snowy region’ in the Himalaya. The Hindus describe ‘the celebrated Maddhya desa’ to be—Himavad Vindhyayormadhyan Yat pràg Vinasanà dapi—Manu. ‘that which lies midway between Himavad and Vindhya, to the east of Vinàsa, and to the west of Prayàga.’ But see note at p. xxix. ↩

52. A collegiate city of great renown in the North-west of Majjhima. ↩

53. The Sangahavatthu are the four pre-eminent virtues of kings, viz.—dàna ‘gifts—liberality;’ piya vachana ‘pleasing conversation;’ attha charìyà ‘fruitful conduct—well being in law;’ and Samànatthatà ‘regarding all as one’s self.’ ↩

54. Lit. ‘father and mother.’ ↩

55. Lit. mama vachanèna ‘in my language’—‘in my name.’ ↩

56. This is a bahuvrìhi compound—bhutta pàta ràsà, ‘they-who-ate-the food-of-early-dawn;’ ‘took their breakfast.’ ↩

57. Doubtless, the Talipot leaf is meant. ↩

58. Lit. ‘the barbarous—wild—unenlightened;’ but here the foreign regions are meant; See ante, p. xxix. ↩

59. Lit. vare ‘best, excellent.’ ↩

60. Lit. ‘cloth.’ ↩

61. Lit. ‘in his own house.’ ↩

62. No natthi—‘not, that there is not’ A double negative to intensify the affirmative. See Sakuntalà, pp. 110, and 24, note 1. ↩

63. Lit. ‘entrance into the stream’—‘fallen into the path,’ that which is the first stage of sanctification, leading to final bliss. ↩

64. The three gems; the most inestimable things—objects as precious as ratana or ‘gems’—Jàtau jàtau yad utkrishtam taddhi ratnam prachakshate, ‘whatever is best of its kind, that indeed they call ratna.’ Hence ‘the three gems’ is an expression for ‘the triad of Buddhism.’ ↩

65. See Gogerly’s Essay, in the Friend, vol. ii. 67. ↩

66. See my Essay on modes of Address, in C. B. A. S. J., for 1856—8. ↩

67. Lit. ‘hearer’—‘pupil.’ ↩

68. Lit. ‘there is not even that sound.’ ↩

69. Lit. ‘washed his head.’ ↩

70. These are the ‘Atthangasìla.’ ↩

71. àkàsa tale—‘story nearest the sky.’ ↩

72. Akkharàni likhanto, lit. ‘writing letters.’ ↩

73. See explanation of this at p. xxxiv. ↩

74. Loka vivaranan. ↩

75. Ficus religiosa, the tree under which Gotama became Buddha. ↩

76. Ehipassiko, lit. that which bids, ‘come and see’—it is inviting—not hidden. ↩

77. The thirty-seven Elements of Buddhism, for an explanation of them see my Attanagaluvansa, note to Chap. iv. § 7. ↩

78. The act of confining one’s mind to the contemplation of doing good. ↩

79. The dhamma—‘doctrines’—‘the word.’ ↩

80. The words bhagavato sàvaka sanghò are repeated after every phrase. ↩

81. See note at p. 78. ↩

82. Sétachchhattan—‘the white umbrella;’ ‘the state canopy.’ ↩

83. For an exposition of these duties, see the Brahmajàla suttan, translated by the Rev. D. J. Gogerly, in C. B. A. S. Journal, ii. p. 22 et seq. ↩

84. Some of the theological terms in the above passage, require a brief explanation. Chhadvàra Sanvara,—‘the closing of six avenues;’ ‘the subjugation of six organs of sensation,’ which lead to the commission of sin. Satisampajañña—‘memory,-discretion,’ ‘a memorial retention of that which is ascertained by wisdom.’ Pachchaya santosa—‘contentment with the pachchaya,’ or the requirements of an ascetic, which are four in number, viz., robes, food, habitation, and medicine. Senàsana—‘habitations,’ of which there are nine kinds adapted to the recluse. Nìvaranappahana ‘destruction of that which screens;’ ‘overcoming the obstacles against the leading of a religious life,’ which are stated to be five, viz., 1. lust, 2. evil design, 3. apathetic indifference, 4. perturbation of the mind arising from irresolution and pride, and 5. doubt upon eight religious matters,—viz. Buddha, Dhamma, Sangha, a previous state of being, a future existence, a past-and-future state of being, the causes of continued-existence [see Ceylon Friend for 1839], and vacillation and doubt upon all matters. Kammatthàni—forty courses of religious action, such as devout meditation, etc. Parikamma, an initiatory rite of ascetism, which ought to be completed before the entrance upon dhyàna. It is the fixing of the mind upon one of the four elements, earth, air, fire and water, so as to impress it with the reality of the substance on which the recluse contemplates; and also the continuing to address the element repeating its name (See extract, ante p. xxii.) until the mind attains that degree of absorption, which disables the sentient faculties from discerning any other subject. Dhyàna is ‘abstract meditation,’ of which there are four degrees, each of which being considered a sanctified state or path to nibban, or the extinction of existence. ànàpàna sati kammatthàna; also sixteen modes of devout and abstract meditation by means of drawing the breath etc. See Gunànanda Suttan. ↩

85. A measure of seventy yards. See Abhidhànapadipikà, p. 23. ↩

86. Jars or vases filled with flowers, and water. ↩

87. Residents between the two states. ↩

88. See my Essay on Titles of Address in the C. B. R. A. S. 1856—8. p. 261. ↩

89. The Sabbath of the Buddhists, which is the day of the full moon, &c. ↩

90. This proves the character to have been the Nàgarí; See p. cxv. ↩

91. ‘Whether he stood on his head, or his feet.’ ↩

92. See Glossary to the Mahavansa for an explanation of these terms. ↩

93. Paused for a while. ↩

94. See Hardy’s Eastern Monachism, p. 253. ↩

95. When the same sentence is to be repeated, the mode by which the repetition is avoided by Pali and Sinhalese writers, is by writing the first and last words of the sentence that is to be repeated with a…pe…between them. This is an abbreviation of the word peyyàla, implying ‘insert’ in the sense of—‘fill up the gap.’ In some of our books ‘p’ alone occurs, and in others ‘la’ conveying the same signification as ‘pe.’ ↩

96. I have transposed the above passage which occurs a little before the paragraph before it; and I omit its translation as the same has been already given at p. xxix; vide supra note. ↩

97. Lit. ‘Osprey-nest.’ ↩

98. Kutikanna is interpreted in an Atthakathà to mean koti-karna ‘ear of 100 lacs;’ i. e. wearing an ear-ornament of that value. ↩

99. Upàsaka. ↩

100. In speaking of the venerable fathers of the Church, Buddhist writers repeat àyasmà, which is disregarded in speaking of kings. See preceding extract. In this translation I have omitted the frequent repetition of Sono Upàsako kutikanno. ↩

101. It here means the ordinances of ascetism. ↩

102. Here the ordinances, such as the atthasìla, are meant. ↩

103. A religious ordinance by which the priest is bound to reside in a place during the rainy season; See Mahà Vagga lib iii. ↩

104. Contemplative meditation. ↩

105. The appellation of the Preceptor who introduces a person for admission into the priesthood, and to whose rights the pupil ultimately succeeds. ↩

106. Mama vachanena—‘in my words.’ ↩

107. The Ruellia Longifolio. Rox. It is also applied by some to Tribulus lanuginosus. But the word here is explained by the commentators to mean ‘hard dry clods of earth produced by the print of the feet of cattle.’ ↩

108. These words are not given in our Pali glossaries; nor are they explained by the commentators. ↩

109. A ratana—‘jewel of a person.’ ↩

110. Panna ‘leaf.’ ↩

111. ‘The chief Ministers.’ ↩

112. Vohàra—‘usage,’ ‘customs’—‘laws;’ and Vohàrikà ‘the lawyers.’ ↩

113. Suttadarà—‘The principal officers who mantained the rules or axioms.’ ↩

114. Atthakulikà—probably a Council of judges. The term is not explained. ↩

115. Here is an undoubted reference to a ‘book.’ It is the book of customs; paveni, that which is perpetuated from ancient times. ↩

116. Ganana—Mathematical or Astrological calculations; Arithmetic, Algebra, &c. ↩

117. A son born inferior to the father. i. e. of a mother lower in caste than the father. ↩

118. Ujuka ‘straight.’ ↩

119. A term of respect even to an underling, e. g. ‘Uncle dhoby.’ See C. B. A. S. Journal for 1856-8. p. 238. ↩

120. Lit. panna ‘leaf.’ ↩

121. Lit. ‘in the language of the Setthi.’ ↩

122. This is a past participle in the original. ↩

123. The person whose business it is to appoint the meals. ↩

124. The five qualifications are; 1. a knowledge of the affairs regarding the distribution of food; 2 a sense of justice; 3 freedom from ignorance; 4 absence of fear; and 5 exemption from anger. ↩

125. It will be observed, that the writer’s statement, that Sanghanandi was identical with Mahà Kachchàyana, is not borne out by the authority quoted. From the distinct mention of different names for the authors of different parts, viz., the Grammar, its Supplements, its notes, and its principal comment, the Nyàsa; it would seem that Sanghanandi (also called Sankhanandi) was a person different from Mahà Kachchàyana. ↩

126. This passage within brackets is stated by the commentator, to have been interpolated in one of of the Buddhist Convocations. ↩

127. After this word, I find “pamàdà.” It is, I believe, the interpolation of a note. ↩

128. “Pamàdà” also occurs here. ↩

129. A section of Sutta Nipàta. ↩

130. Evil in thoughts, desires, or affections. ↩

131. I have rendered this passage rather freely, without reference to words. ↩

132. In the sense of the word ‘trouble’ in the passage—‘Man is born unto trouble.’ Job v. 7. ↩

133. Sankhàra—appertaining to all states of existence, that which comes to existence, exist, and die away. ↩

134. E. g. ‘Brahmans’—says the Commentator. ↩

135. ‘Those who are born in the arûpa or the incorporeal world.’ ↩